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Anon probable 5, Grosvenor William 2008 – p4

From [email protected] Mon May 12 18:59:06 EDT 2008
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ZYDS/Jews and Bolshevism Which Was Controlled By Them

On Tue, 08 Aug 2006 09:55:33 -0400, in alt.revisionism
[email protected] wrote:

ZYDs/Jews and Bolshevism

Amongst themselves, the Jews are quite candid about their sympathy for
and involvement in Bolshevism.

On 4 April 1919 the Jewish Chronicle: “There is much in the fact of
Bolshevism itself, in the fact that so many Jews are Bolshevists, in
the fact that the ideals of Bolshevism at many points are consonant
with the finest ideals of Judaism.”

(Perhaps this explains why the Red Army uses a Jewish star as its
symbol?)

Probably the best-known exposé of the Jewish role in the Bolshevik
coup d’état was by Sir Winston Churchill, writing in the Illustrated
Sunday Herald of 8 February 1920. Churchill wrote “With the notable
exception of Lenin, the majority of leading figures are Jews. Moreover
the principal inspiration and the driving power comes from Jewish
leaders.”

Communism was of course founded by Karl Marx whose grandfather was a
rabbi by the name of Mordeccai. Marx was given his initial
encouragement by a Communist-Zionist by the name of Moses Hess. As
founder and editor of the Rheinische Zeitung, the main organ of
leftist thought in Germany, he provided Karl Marx with his first
important platform. Later, in Brussels, he collaborated with Marx on
The German Ideology. It was Hess too who converted to Communism
Friedrich Engels, the wealthy textiles magnate who later subsidised
Marx from the profits of sweated labour in Britain and Germany.

When the Bolsheviks overthrew the short-lived democratic government in
Moscow and St. Petersburg in October 1917, it was a virtual Jewish
coup d’état. The most prominent Jewish Commissar was Trotsky, real
name Bronstein. He had been married by a rabbi in 1900, and whilst in
exile in New York he had worked for Novy Mir, described in the Church
Times (23 January 1925) as a “Yiddish newspaper.”

The various reporters and diplomats who were there at the time of the
“Revolution” have given evidence as to its Jewish nature.

The widow of the Guardian’s correspondent Mrs. Ariadna
Tyrkova-Williams wrote: “In the Soviet Republic all the committees and
commissaries were filled with Jews.”

The most detailed description of Jewish influence in the Bolshevik
‘revolution comes from Robert Wilton, the Russian correspondent of The
Times. In 1920 he published a book in French, Les Derniers Jours des
Romanofs, which gave the racial background of all the members of the
Soviet government. (This does not appear in the later English
translation, for some odd reason.) After the publication of this
monumental work, Wilton was ostracised by the press, and he died in
poverty in 1925. He reported that the Central Committee of the
Bolshevik Party was made up as follows:

NAME NATIONALITY
Bronstein (Trotsky) Jew
Apfelbaum (Zinovief) Jew
Lourie (Larine) Jew
Ouritski Jew
Volodarski Jew
Rosenfeldt (Kamanef) Jew
Smidovitch Jew
Sverdlof (Yankel) Jew
Nakhamkes (Steklof) Jew
Ulyanov (Lenin) Russian
Krylenko Russian
Lounatcharski Russian

“The Council of the People’s Commissars comprises the following:

MINISTRY NAME NATIONALITY
President Ulyanov (Lenin) Russian
Foreign Affairs Tchitcherine Russian
Nationalities Djugashvili (Stalin) Georgian
Agriculture Protian Armenian
Economic Council Lourie (Larine) Jew
Food Schlichter Jew
Army & Navy Bronstein (Trotsky) Jew
State Control Lander Jew
State Lands Kauffman Jew
Works V. Schmidt Jew
Social Relief E. Lelina (Knigissen) Jewess
Public Instruction Lounatcharsky Russian
Religions Spitzberg Jew
Interior Apfelbaum (Zinovief) Jew
Hygiene Anvelt Jew
Finance Isidore Goukovski Jew
Press Volodarski Jew
Elections Ouritski Jew
Justice I. Steinberg Jew
Refugees Fenigstein Jew
Refugees (assist.) Savitch Jew
Refugees (assist.) Zaslovski Jew

“The following is the list of members of the Central Executive
Committee:

NAME NATIONALITY
Sverdlov (president) Jew
Avanessof (sec.) Armenian
Bruno Lett
Babtchinski Jew
Bukharin Russian
Weinberg Jew
Gailiss Jew
Ganzburg Jew
Danichevski Jew
Starck German
Sachs Jew
Scheinmann Jew
Erdling Jew
Landauer Jew
Linder Jew
Wolach Czech
Dimanstein Jew
Encukidze Georgian
Ermann Jew
Joffe Jew
Karkline Jew
Knigissen Jew
Rosenfeldt (Kamenef) Jew
Apfelbaum (Zinovief) Jew
Krylenko Russian
KrassikofSachs Jew
Kaprik Jew
Kaoul Lett
Ulyanov (lenin) Russian
Latsis Jew
Lander Jew
Lounatcharski Russian
Peterson Lett
Peters Lett
Roudzoutas Jew
Rosine Jew
Smidovitch Jew
Stoutchka Lett
Nakhamkes (Steklof) Jew
Sosnovski Jew
Skrytnik Jew
Bronstein (Trotsky) Jew
Teodorovitch Jew
Terian Armenian
Ouritski Jew
Telechkine Russian
Feldmann Jew
Froumkine Jew
Souriupa Ukranian
Tchavtchevadze Georgian
Scheikmann Jew
Rosental Jew
Achkinazi Imeretian
Karakhane Karaim (Jew)
Rose Jew
Sobelson (Radek) Jew
Sclichter Jew
Schikolini Jew
Chklianski Jew
Levine (Pravdine) Jew

“The following is the list of members of the Extraordinary Commission
of Moscow:

NAME NATIONALITY
Dzerjinski (president) Pole
Peters (vice-president) Lett
Chklovski Jew
Kheifiss Jew
Zeistine Jew
Razmirovitch Jew
Kronberg Jew
Khaikina Jewess
Karlson Lett
Schaumann Jew
Leontovitch Jew
Jacob Goldine Jew
Glaperstein Jew
Kniggisen Jew
Latzis Lett
Schillenkuss Jew
Janson Lett
Rivkine Jew
Antonof Russian
Delafabre Jew
Tsitkine Jew
Roskirovitch Jew
G. Sverdlof Jew
Biesenski Jew
Blioumkine Jew
Alexandrevitch Russian
I. Model Jew
Routenberg Jew
Pines Jew
Sachs Jew
Daybol Lett
Saissoune Armenian
Deylkenen Lett
Liebert Jew
Vogel German
Zakiss Lett

Although Lenin is described as a “Russian,” in fact he was a mixture
of various nationalities. It is likely that he was one-quarter
Russian, one-quarter German, one-quarter Jewish and at least
one-quarter Kalmuck (Mongol), which accounts for his Mongol
appearance. Various authorities allege that his wife, Nadezhda
Krupskaya was a Jewess and that her family spoke Yiddish in the home.

A report sent to the British government in 1918 by Mr. Oudendyke, the
Dutch consul in St. Petersburg, said that “Bolshevism is organised and
worked by Jews.” The report was included in a pamphlet published as a
government White Paper in April 1919 entitled Russia No. 1 (1919) A
Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia. However, the pamphlet
was quickly withdrawn and reissued with various excisions and
alterations made.

In the War Records Division of the United States National Archives
there is filed a report from an American Intelligence operative in St.
Petersburg. Under Record Group 20; Records of the American
Expeditionary Forces Capt. Montgomery Schuyler, G2 Intelligence wrote,
“The Bolshevik movement is and has been since its beginning, guided
and controlled by Russian Jews of the greasiest type.”

Also in the U.S. National Archives are two telegrams sent by American
diplomats in Russia. State Department document 861.00/1757 sent on 2
May 1918 by U.S. Consul Summers in Moscow relates, “Jews predominant
in local Soviet government, anti-Jewish feeling growing among
population.” Document 861.00/2205 from Consul Caldwell in Vladivostock
on 5 July 1918 describes, “Fifty per cent of Soviet government in each
town consists of Jews of worst type.”

In January, 1924, Lenin died from causes variously described as ‘a
heart attack,’ brain hemorrhage’ and ‘syphilis.’ His comrades
immediately began fighting amongst themselves to see who was to become
his successor.

A relative outsider, Joseph Stalin, came to the fore and purged all
competition either by exiling or executing them. Since Stalin was not
Jewish, yet nearly all his opponents were, it is often suggested that
Stalin was anti-Semitic. This is far from the truth.

Stalin had three wives, all of them Jewesses. The first was Ekaterina
Svanidze who bore him one son, Jacob. His second wife was Kadya
Allevijah. She bore him a son Vassili and a daughter Svetlana. His
second wife died in mysterious circumstances, either by committing
suicide or murdered by Stalin. His third wife was Rosa Kaganovich, the
sister of Lazar Kaganovich, the head of Soviet industry. Stalin’s
daughter (who in 1967 fled to the USA) then married Lazar’s son Mihail
i.e. her step-mother’s nephew. Svetlana Stalin had a total of four
husbands, three of them Jewish.

Stalin’s vice-president Molotov was also married to a Jewess, whose
brother, Sam Karp, runs an export business in Connecticut. Just to
complicate things even more, the Molotov’s (half-Jewish) daughter also
called Svetlana was engaged to be married to Stalin’s son Vassili.

After the death of Stalin, his successors kept up the tradition, for a
report in the B’nai B’rith Messenger relates: “To show that Russia
treats its Jews well, Soviet Premier Nikita Kruschev this week
remarked at a reception at the Polish Embassy that not only he himself
and Soviet President Klementi Voroshilov, but also half the members of
the Praesidium have Jewish wives. Mr. Kruschev made this remark to
Israeli Ambassador Joseph Avidar, who was amongst the guests.”
(Kruschev’s wife was yet another Kaganovitch.)

According to a report in The Canadian Jewish News of 13 November 1964
the present Soviet boss Leonid Brezhnev is married to a Jewess, and
his children are brought up as Jews. There are a number of prominent
Jews in the Soviet government, including Dimitri Dymshits in charge of
industry, Lev Shapiro regional secretary of Birobidjan, and Yuri
Andropov in charge of the secret police, the KGB. In fact, every
secret police chief in Soviet history has been a Jew, from the first
Uritsky to the most recent, the murderous Beria. A Jew is also in
charge of the Soviet economy – Leonid Kantorovich.

It is a well-known fact that the Bolsheviks were and are financed by
Jewish interests in the West.

At a Bolshevik celebration rally in New York’s Carnegie Hall on the
night of 23 March 1917, a telegram of support from Jacob Schiff of
Kuhn, Loeb & Co. was read out. The telegram was reprinted in the next
morning’s New York Times. Schiff later tried to deny his involvement,
but thirty years later his grandson John admitted in the New York
Journal-American (3 February 1949) that the old man had sunk twenty
million dollars into the Bolshevik cause.

Another Western bankers who poured funds into Bolshevik Russia was
Olaf Ashberg of the Stockholm Nia Banken. He remained the Soviets’
paymaster until the late 1940s. The London Evening Standard of 6
September 1948 reported a visit by Ashberg to Switzerland “for secret
meetings with Swiss government officials and banking executives.
Diplomatic circles describe Mr. Ashberg as the ‘Soviet banker’ who
advanced large sums to Lenin and Trotsky in 1917. At the time of the
revolution, Mr. Ashberg gave Trotsky money to form and equip the first
unit of the Red Army.”

The Bolsheviks also received assistance from Armand Hammer, who still
commutes back and forward between New York and Moscow to take care of
his business interests in both communities. Hammer’s Occidental Oil
Company is at the moment building a 1600 mile chemicals pipeline in
southern Russia. He is also on such good terms with the Soviets that
he personally arranges for Soviet art galleries to lend paintings to
America.

Another American-based businessman to help out the Soviet economy is
Michael Fribourg, who owns the massive Continental Grain Company.
Together with the Louis Dreyfus Corporation, these Jewish speculators
were able to buy up vast quantities of cheap American grain in 1972,
sell it to the Soviets at a vast profit, and collect an export subsidy
>from the U.S. taxpayer.

In every other East European country, it is exactly the same story:

In Hungary a Communist revolution was staged in 1919, instigated by
the Jew Bela Kun (Cohen). During the three month regime, the country
was turned upside down in a reign of murder and terror. Here again,
the government was composed almost entirely of Jews. And it was this
factor which brought about the regime’s downfall, as the ordinary
Hungarians detested Jewish dictatorship. Kun was deposed and fled to
the Soviet Union, where he became chief of the secret police, the
Cheka, in southern Russia.

It was not until 1945 that the Jews were able to regain control. Three
Russian Jews were installed as the ruling triumvirate, Matyas Rakosi
(Rosencranz), Erno Gero (Singer) and Zoltan Vas. Both Rakosi and Gero
had been members of Kun’s bloody government.

In Germany, the Jews also tried to take over there in the chaos that
followed the First World War. Aided by funds from the Soviet
Ambassador Joffe, Rosa Luxemburg’s Spartacus Bund attempted to
overthrow the government. The revolt was quelled and its leaders
Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht executed.

The post-war dictator of Roumania, Anna Pauker, was the daughter of a
Bucharest kosher butcher. For a time she earned her living teaching
Hebrew. her father and brother now live in Israel.

Although Tito was the only non-Jewish dictator behind the Iron Curtain
in the late 1940s, he was tutored by the Jew Mosa Pijade. According to
John Gunther in Behind the Iron Curtain, “He is Tito’s mentor…
Whatever ideological structure Tito may have, he got it from the
shrewd old man.”

Moscow’s puppet government in Czechoslovakia in the late 1940s was run
by another Jew, Rudolph Slansky.

In Poland too, Jews occupied virtually every position of authority in
the post-war Communist regime. Prominent among these were Minc,
Skryesewski, Modzelewski and Berman. Jacob Berman gradually eclipsed
the others until he became supreme dictator by himself. Also,
Gomulka’s wife was a Jewess.

Even in China, Soviet Jews were at work helping Mao Tse Tung. High up
in the Political Department of the Red Army in China were W. N.
Levitschev and J. B. Gamarnik

From [email protected] Mon May 12 18:59:53 EDT 2008
Article: 502618 of soc.culture.russian
Subject: HOLODOMOR = REAL HOLOCAUST BY ZYDS/OGPU ON UKRAINIANS: Repost
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HOLODOMOR = ZYD/NKVD HOLOCAUST ON UKRAINIANS! Message:
Probably the best analysis of what happened that I have read to date.

Trident

IS THERE A “SMOKING GUN” FOR THE HOLODOMOR?

PRESENTATION: By Professor Roman Serbyn Universit=E9 du Qu=E9bec =E0
Montr=E9al, Canada
The Ukrainian Holodomor and the Denial of Genocides
International Conference, Federigo Argentieri, Ph.D., Organizer
Guarini Institute, John Cabot University
Rome, Italy, Friday, November 09, 2007
Published by the Action Ukraine Report #889, Article 5
Kyiv, Ukraine, Monday, November 19, 2007

In his seminal study on genocide, Leo Kuper observed that “governments
hardly declare and document genocidal plans in the manner of the
Nazis”
[1]. Nevertheless, since modern states cannot function without large
bureaucracies and elaborate communication systems, tell-tale records
inevitably survive.

When the CPSU lost power and the Soviet empire fell apart, it was
Revealed that an elaborate paper trail of the 1932-33 famine and the Soviet
authorities’ involvement in it had been preserved in party and state
archives. These documents are being slowly declassified, examined and
published[2]. Historians can now give us a fairly accurate account of
the catastrophe and ascertain the responsibility of Stalin and his
collaborators.

As a result, scholars who previously hesitated to recognize the
Genocidal character of Stalin’s forced starvation of Ukrainian farmers, have
reexamined the question and readjusted their interpretations. In his
latest book, Nicolas Werth comes to the conclusion that thanks to recent
studies based on the new documents, it is now “legitimate to qualify as
genocide the cluster of actions undertaken by the Stalinist regime to punish
the
Ukrainian peasantry by famine and terror”[3].

In this paper I analyze some of the main documents that provide
smoking-gun evidence of genocide, in line with the definition of the crime
given
in the UN Convention of 1948: “acts committed with intent to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such”.

The key criteria in the Convention are proof of “intent” and
Identification eligible “groups”. Soviet documents corroborate the accusation
against
Stalin and his closest collaborators for deliberately exterminating
Millions of Ukrainian farmers, and show that the perpetrators targeted them as
Ukrainians.

Furthermore these and other documents reveal that the genocide was not
Just against Ukrainian farmers, the focus of the attack was the Ukrainian
Nation in all its component parts and on all its territories within the
Soviet Union.

The locus of this crime was thus the Ukrainian SSR, the predominantly
Ukrainian Kuban, and the other regions of the RSFSR with sizeable
Ukrainian populations. The simultaneous decimation of Ukrainian national
elites,
especially academic, cultural and political leaders, was an integral part of
the destruction of the Ukrainian nation.

Stalin did not intend to kill all Ukrainians (nor is such an intent
Required by the Convention); his motive was to break the backbone of the
nation
By executing a sizeable percentage of the people and reducing the rest to
servile obedience, to transform them into manageable cogs of the state
mechanism. Stalin’s means of destruction were varied: famine, shootings,
exhausting forced labor.

The UN Convention does not require the establishment of motives for
genocide, but determining the reasons for the act gives an insight
into the rationale which led to crime and thus help us comprehend the
perpetrator’s intent. Stalin’s measures against the Ukrainians were predicated
on
his political ambitions, two of which provided the motives for the
eventual genocide[4].

The first was to extend socialism beyond the borders of the USSR. He
realized that the Bolsheviks’ initial attempt to export their revolution
into Europe failed primarily because of the weakness of the Red Army.
To resume Lenin’s unfinished task, Stalin needed a powerful armed force,
Backed by modern heavy industry. Industrialization had to be financed by
Exporting natural resources, especially grain, which had to be extorted from
the
farmers at the lowest cost to the state.

War communism had shown that door-to-door requisition was costly,
inefficient and politically dangerous. After the revolution, poor
farmers appropriated and divided up the land of rich landlords. As a result,
farmers lived better, ate more but sold less to the state. Marketable grain
(sold outside the village) in tsarist times was provided by the large farms
Owned by landlords and kulaks. Now new large estates had to be set up in the
Form of sovkhozy and kolkhozy. These would give the state easy access to
grain, produced by the newly enslaved peasants.

The immediate goal was not the increase of grain production (which
could be expected to fall as a result of peasant opposition), but of the
“marketable grain” to be delivered to the state. Since the main producers of
grain
Were Ukrainians farmers, who had no tradition of the Russian semi-communal
obshchina organization, they could be expected to offer stiff resistance to
forced collectivization and confiscation of the fruits of their labor.

Stalin’s second ambition was to bring a permanent solution to the
National question, especially its crucial Ukrainian component. The 1926 census
Pegged the Ukrainian population at 31 million, of the Union’s 147 million: 23
million in Ukraine, and 8 million in the rest of the USSR, mainly along the
Ukrainian border.

Ukrainian national revival triggered by the Russian revolution forced
Lenin to give the reconquered republic nominal autonomy in the form of a
“sovereign” republic within a Potemkin-style Soviet federation.
Subsequent policy of Ukrainization, or the local application of a general
principle of korenizatsiia (nativization), allowed Ukrainians to add real
national
content to the pretentiously misleading form of “soviet republic”[5].

The Ukrainization of education, communications and administration, not
Only in Ukraine but also in the Ukrainian regions of the RSFSR, the
de-Russification of urban centers by the influx of Ukrainian farmers,
the demands on Moscow to transfer to the republic adjacent territories
with Ukrainian population, the shifting of cultural orientation from Moscow
and to the West – all these pressures on the imperial centre could not be
ignored by the Kremlin.

Stalin, Lenin’s “magnificent Georgian” and foremost expert on the
nationalities question, understood the dangers of active nation-
building in Ukraine, in the best of times. Collectivization would only
aggravate
the situation. Over 85 % of ethnic Ukrainians were farmers and their
sudden disenfranchisement could throw the countryside into such turmoil that
not only grain production would be catastrophically reduced, but also
farmers could gain the support of the national elites in a united rebellion of
the whole republic to the spoliation of their country by Moscow.

Similar, if smaller, unrest could be expected in the Kuban’ and other
ethnically Ukrainian regions of the RSFSR. In the mid-1920s Stalin had
written that the peasant question was “the basis, the quintessence, of
the national question”, that “the peasantry constitutes the main army of
the national movement” and that “there is no powerful national movement
without the peasant army”[6]. The stability and even the integrity of the
Soviet empire would be threatened.

Genocide does not happen spontaneously. The targeted group is first
identified, vilified and intimidated, then it is discredited in the
eyes of the rest of the population, and only when it has been sufficiently
isolated, is it submitted to total or partial extermination. In the summer of
1929 the GPU (political police) “uncovered” a nationalist conspiracy, headed
by
prominent Ukrainian intellectuals and conducting anti-Soviet work in
villages and regional centers.

Over 700 people were arrested for, among other things, “anti-Soviet
Activity in the villages and district centers” and a show trial was held in
March 1930, appropriately staged in a Kharkiv theatre. 45 members of this
Mythical Association for the Liberation of Ukraine (SVU) were sentenced to
death or long prison terms.

Arrests and trials of other mostly fictitious groups followed:
Ukrainian National Center, Ukrainian Military Organization, etc.[7] The
condemned were former members of the former Ukrainian national governments,
Ukrainian armed forces, Ukrainian political parties, and prominent people in
fields of education, culture and the arts.

The purpose was to terrorize the Ukrainian elites into submission and
lethargy, and thus deprive the peasants of leadership on the national
level.
It should be noted that, in connection with the less severe famine in
Russia, no parallel attack took place against Russian national elites
or the Russian culture.

Stalin’s war against the peasants began in earnest towards the end of
1929.
In a two-pronged attack he ordered to “eliminate the dekulakization as a
class” and to collectivize the middle and poor peasants. Divided into
three categories, the kulaks were dispossessed and the most dangerous were
shot.

The others were deported to the wilds of northern RSFSR, transferred
To distant regions in Ukraine, or given strips of poor land outside the
Kolkhoz near which they lived. The intention was not only to provide kolkhozes
With the confiscated land, cattle and machinery, but also to deprive the
Peasants of the more qualified leadership for their opposition to the
authorities.

During the winter of 1929-1930, 90 thousand Ukrainian households were
dekulakized, and a smaller wave more or less finished the job a year
later.
In 1934 Kossior, party boss of Ukraine, reported that 200 thousand
farms had been dekulakized in Ukraine. Out of this number of about one million
(5 members per family), several thousand were deported to the northern
parts of the RSFSR and lost to the Ukrainian nation.

Collectivization went in unison with dekulakization: a major push was
Given in early 1930. By 10 March 1930 Ukrainian kolhosps integrated 64.4% of
farmsteads with 70.9% of arable land. The operation was accomplished
with the help of some 50,000 activists, sent from Russian and Ukrainian
urban centers, with special powers to organize, punish, and terrorize.

Many poor peasants, paid for the service with confiscated goods,
participated in expropriating their richer neighbors, but many others
sympathized with the victims. Peasant rebellion swept Ukraine: in
January-March 1930, 3,190 uprisings with over 950 thousand
Participants confronted the authorities.[8]

Hundreds of fliers were picked up by the authorities with such slogans
As “Free Ukraine from Moscow rule”, “Time to rise against Moscow yoke”
And others. National and peasant factors were coming together. Stalin
sounded a temporary retreat and in October of that year collectivization was
down to 29 % of households and 34 % of arable land. But the reprieve was brief
and a year later (October 1931) the figures rose to 68 % (for households)
and 72 % for arable land, with a much higher percentage in the grain-producing
steppe regions.

The effect of Stalin’s revolution on the countryside was disastrous,
especially in Ukraine and the Kuban. From 1929 to 1932 the evolution
can be summarized in these four curt phrases: production down; state
procurement up; grain export up; peasant food consumption down.

Farmers’ opposition to collectivization, mismanagement of collective
Farms by incompetent administrators, neglect and slaughter of farm animals
seriously hindered farming and brought down its production. Yet,
enforced obligatory state procurement increased, and in 1931, 42 % of
Ukraine’s
grain harvest was turned over to the state.[9]

Kolhosps delayed or completely failed to pay out stipends for
“workday” (trudodni), and the their members had to rely on their meager and
insufficient individual plots of land and a few domestic animals for
subsistence. Undernourishment became generalized. But Stalin had
reached his goal.

Grain exports rose from below one million tons in 1929, to: 5,832,000
Tons in 1930/31 and 4,786,000 tons in 1931/32. It should be kept in mind
that one million tons could feed four to five million people for one year.
After two years of resistance and unequal struggle with the Communist
authorities, the Ukrainian elites were cowed and most of the collective and
independent farms despoiled of all their reserves. The republic was on the
brink of a major catastrophe.

On 26 April 1932, Stanislav Kossior, the General secretary of the
Communist Party of Ukraine, informed Stalin about “individual
Cases and even individual villages that are starving” but blamed it on
“local bungling, errors, particularly in the case of kolkhozes.” And,
Lest he displease his Kremlin masters, their lieutenant in Ukraine
dismissed the tragedy with the affirmation that “all talk of famine must be
categorically discarded.”[10]

Yet famine there was and on 10 June H. Petrovsky, the head of the
Ukrainian state and V. Chubar, the head of the Ukrainian government, sent
Separate letters to notify Molotov and Stalin of the appalling conditions in
the Ukrainian countryside, and to ask for help.

Chubar admitted that cases of starvation among independent and
Collective farmers had already been signaled in December and January and
that by “March-April there were dozens and hundreds of malnourished, starving,
and swollen people and people starving to death accumulate in every
village; children and orphans abandoned by their parents appeared”.

Raions and oblasts organized aid from internal resources, but were
Obliged to do this “under conditions of acute food shortage, especially
bread”.
[11]
Noteworthy additional remark: “Petliurite and other anti-Soviet moods
increased.”

Petrovsky’s letter was even more to the point. Having just returned
>from an inspection of the countryside, he realized the catastrophic situation
of the farming population. He visited many villages and everywhere saw
multitudes of people, mainly poor and middle peasants, starving, subsisting on
surrogates.

Peasants scolded him, posed embarrassing question, reproached him,
Saying “why did you create an artificial famine, […] why did you take away
The seed material – this did not happen even under the old regime, why is
It necessary for Ukrainians to travel for bread […] to non-grain
Producing territories?”.

Echoing Chubar, Petrovsky reported that “because of the famine, mass
Thefts are taking place in the villages.” Pointing out that grain harvest is
Still six week off, and famine will only intensify, Petrovsky ask:
“shouldn’t assistance be rendered to the Ukrainian countryside in the amount
of
two or, at the very least, one and a half million poods of grain?” And he
predicted that if help is not given starvation would drive peasants to pick
unripe grain and destroy much of it.

Petrovsky’s letter paints a bleak picture of the forthcoming harvest.
Since the better grain had been seized by the state, seeds of poorer quality
Were sown and scattered mores thinly. The young crops are good and the
Fields well weeded but the grain is sparse. Petrovsky was also struck by the
Large amount of unsown land. Aware of all these problems, the farmers
Complained to Petrovsky that the new grain procurements would be even more
difficult to meet than last year’s. “And this may very well be so”, agrees
Petrovsky.

Finally Petrovsky draws attention to the exodus of Ukrainian farmers.
They are forced to seek food beyond the republic’s borders, at “the Dno
station, in the Central-Black Earth Oblast’, in Belarus, and in Northern
Caucasus”, where grain is more readily available, and at much lower prices.

When Petrovsky suggested that farmers band together for these
purchases, he learned that the Commissariat of Transport has drastically
reduced
the sale of train tickets to peasants. Bewildered Ukrainian peasants needled
Petrovsky: “Why are they banning trips for grain?”

If the two Ukrainian leaders believed their pleas and warnings of
turmoil in the Ukrainian countryside would soften Moscow’s position, they were
mistaken. Their effect on Stalin, Kaganovich and Molotov was just the
opposite. Writing from Moscow to Sochi, where Stalin was vacationing,
Kaganovich criticized both Ukrainian leaders, even though he admitted
That some aid would have to be given to Ukraine, and asked Stalin to decide
On the amount. Stalin’s response was more brutal and more ominous of
things to come.

He condemned the hypocrisy of the two leaders, who only wanted to get
“new millions of poods[12] of grain from Moscow” and “a reduction in the
plan for grain procurement”. Ukrainians must mobilize their own forces and
resources for already “Ukraine has been given more than she should get”.[13]
Nevertheless, on 16 June the Politburo considered Ukraine’s plea and
Granted about 8,500 tons[14], a paltry amount in comparison with the million
and a half poods requested by Petrovsky.

Politburo’s niggardly “largesse” must have provoked Stalin’s ire, for
in a letter to Kaganovich, Molotov and the Politburo he came back with
harsh criticism of past errors and new instructions for the coming harvest.
The Gensec blamed “mechanical equalization”, which did not take into
account the ability of the kolkhozes to deliver grain, and as a result of
which,
“fertile districts in Ukraine found themselves in a state of
Impoverishment and famine, despite a fairly good harvest.”[15]

This is the only known acknowledgement of the Ukrainian famine by
Stalin. He blamed regional authorities for being out of touch with the
countryside and allowing kolkhozniks to travel around the entire European
part of the USSR demoralize “our farms with their complaints and whining.”[16]

Stalin proposed the calling of a top level conference on the
organization of grain procurement and its unconditional fulfillment, and
insisted
that personal responsibility for grain procurement be delegated to the
first secretaries of the Ukraine, the Northern Caucasus, and the other grain
producing regions. “Personal responsibility” for “unconditional fulfillment”
imposed from the top along the administrative vertikal became the
watchwords of the 1932/33 grain procurement campaign, which would result in
the
genocidal famine.

On 21 June a telegram signed by Stalin and Molotov instructed Kharkiv to
carry out “at any cost” the July-September plan for grain delivery.
Two days later, Moscow answered Ukrainian Politburo’s plea for 600,000
poods of grain with a terse resolution: “bar any additional grain deliveries
to
Ukraine.”[17]

The III Conference of KP(b)U (6-10 July 1932) was devoted to the
Upcoming harvest and grain procurement. Stalin sent Molotov and Kaganovich to
The meeting “to ensure genuinely Bolshevik decisions”. Molotov informed
The audience that Moscow had lowered Ukraine’s quota but was adamant that
The plan be carried out in full.[18]

Declarations from regional leaders that the farmers were starving, that much
land lay fallow, and that 100 to 200 m.poods of grain would be lost during
harvesting did not bend the resolve of Moscow’s envoys.[19] The conference
adopted a resolution to carry out the plan of grain delivery “in full
and unconditionally”.[20]

It was largely in response to the tense situation in Ukraine[21], and in
anticipation of new troubles in that republic that Stalin came up with
his infamous decree, dubbed by the farmers “the 5 ears of corn law”.
Writing on 20 July to Kaganovich and Molotov, the Gensec complains of
Widespread theft by “dekulakized kulaks” and others, and proposes to write
a law, which would make theft of property belonging to collective farms equal
to similar crimes against state property, and “punishable by a minimum of ten
years’
imprisonment, and as a rule, by death”.

“All active agitators against the new collective-farm system” and
“profiteers and resellers of goods” writes Stalin, should be removed
And sent to concentration camps.[22] He also wants stricter controls over
The limited kolkhoz trade allowed by a 6 May 1932 law (kolkhozes allowed
Sell their surplus after 15 January 1933, after fulfilling the state
Procurement plan), made more liberal on 20 May 1932.[23]

A follow-up letter provides ideological explanation: in the same way
That capitalism could not triumph without first making “private property
Sacred property”, socialism will not finish off capitalism “unless it
Declares public property (belonging to cooperatives, collective farms or the
state) to be sacred and inviolable”.[24]

Returning to the topic on 26 July, Stalin insists on formal legality
of the proposed operations: “we must act on the basis of law (‘the peasant
loves legality’), and not merely in accordance with the practice of the
OGPU, although it is clear that the OGPU’s role here will not only not
Diminish but, on the contrary, will be strengthened and ‘ennobled’ (the OGPU
Agencies will operate ‘on a lawful basis’ rather than ‘high-handedly’)”.[25]

The joint Party-State decree “On the Protection of the Property of
State Enterprises, Collective Farms and Cooperatives, and on the
Consolidation of Public (Socialist) Property” was issued on 7 August 1932.
It became the main legal instrument used by the Soviet authorities to condemn
millions of farmers to slow death by starvation. It repeated Stalin’s
declarations
that all public property is “sacred and inviolable” and that individuals
attempting to take possession of public property should be considered
“enemies of the people”.[26]

All collective farm property, whether in the field or in storage was
Decreed equal to that of state property and theft was made punishable by
execution, which could be reduced to 10-year imprisonment only under
mitigating circumstances. Advocating withdrawal from the kolkhoz became
tantamount to treason and was punished with three to five years imprisonment
in concentration camps. No amnesty could be applied in any of these
cases.

The decree on State property was applicable on the whole Soviet
Territory but, as Stalin’s letter to Kaganovich shows, it was primarily meant
For Ukraine. Stalin thought the law was “good” and would “soon have an
impact”, and ordered a draft of directives from the C.C to the party, judicial
and punitive organizations.[27] The Gensec then addressed the Ukrainian
problem.
The passage is highly revealing:

“The most important thing right now is Ukraine. Ukrainian affairs have hit
rock bottom. Things are bad with regard to the party. There is talk
that in two regions of Ukraine (it seems in the Kiev and Dnepropetrovsk
regions) about 50 raion party committees have spoken out against the
grain-procurements plan, deeming it unrealistic. It is said that the
situation in other raion party committees is no better. […] This is
not a party but a parliament, […]

Instead of leading the raions, Kossior kept maneuvering between the
directives of the CC VKP and the demands of the raion party committees
[…]
Things are bad with the soviets. Chubar is no leader. Things are bad
With the GPU. Redens is not up to leading the fight against the
counterrevolution
[…]. [underlined and doubly underlined in original – R.S.]”

Then Stalin brandishes the specter of Ukrainian separatism: “If we don’t
undertake at once to straighten out the situation in Ukraine, we may
lose Ukraine.” He reminds Kaganovich that Pilsudski and his agents are
underestimated by Redens, and Kossior. He expressed utter contempt for
the whole KP(b)U, composed of 500,000 members (“ha-ha”, snickers Stalin),
harboring Pilsudski’s agents and “quite a lot (yes a lot!) of rotten
elements, conscious and unconscious Petliurists”.

Thinking undoubtedly of Ukraine’s negative reaction to the destructive
impact the just-passed property laws will have, Stalin warns: “The
moment things get worse, these [party] elements will waste no time opening a
front inside (and outside) the party, against the party.”

Frustrated by the fact that “the Ukrainian leadership does not see
These dangers”, Stalin proposes to replace Kossior with Kaganovich and
Redens with Balitsky, and eventually Chubar with Kaganovich. In this way
Stalin
Intends to transform “Ukraine as quickly as possible into a real fortress of
The USSR, a genuinely exemplary republic.”

The task is urgent and calls for immediate action, for without “these and
similar measures (the economic and political strengthening of Ukraine,
above all its border raions, etc.), I repeat, we may lose Ukraine.”[28]
Kaganovich agrees, of course, and accuses Ukrainian party of creating a
certain
solidarity and “a rotten sense of mutual responsibility”, not only in the
middle echelons of the party, but also among its leadership.[29]

Stalin’s exchange of letters with Kaganovich reveals the ambiance in
Which the policy of starvation will be implemented. The overall objective
was to maintain a high level of grain procurement. To assure this, all
challenge outside and inside the republic had to be eliminated, regardless of
the cost. Stalin’s raising of the specter of Pilsudski and Petliura agents
running loose in Ukraine and infiltrating the Soviet party and state
machinery was nothing more than a scare tactic and a rallying call.

He was well aware that by the summer of 1932, the weak Polish network
And the few local collaborators had been rounded up by the GPU, which also
arrested real and imaginary followers of Petliura whom Stalin had
eliminated by assassination in 1926. Poland may have had some illusions about
a
Ukrainian insurrection in 1929-1930, but by 1932, the Poles realized
That the starving population was in no shape to revolt.

The Soviet-Polish nonaggression treaty signed on 25 July 1932 was
Ample proof of the changing relations between the two neighbors.[30] The
Pilsudski-Petliura scarecrow will continue to enjoy popularity in
Soviet propaganda. While there was no serious threat from the Poles or the
Ukrainian nationalists, a national insurrection could become a reality if
the expected famine (implied in Stalin’s phrase “the moment things get
worse”) could bind together the threatened middle cadres of the KP(b)U
with the surviving peasantry. To prevent this eventuality the KP(b)U had to
be purged and kept under close Moscow surveillance.

Stalin maintained that the 1932 harvest was good; historians today are
More skeptical but consider it adequate to cover Soviet Union’s internal
needs.
With the state reserves from previous year, there were enough supplies
To feed every citizen of the Soviet Union.

Famine was brought about by the exorbitant amount of grain and other
agricultural products taken from the Ukrainian peasants, and the way
they were extracted. Ukraine’s plan was excessive, and in spite of the
protests from Kharkiv and three successive reductions, it remained so to the
end.

Still, Ukraine delivered about a quarter of a billion poods of grain, or
over 90% of its procurement quota. [31] In addition it handed over
large quantities of meat, vegetables and other produce. Stalin insisted that
state procurement have absolute priority. Following a CC VKP(b) directive, a
KP(b)U resolution of 18 November reminded that “complete fulfillment
of the procurement plan by collective farms and the MTS constitutes their
primary obligation […], to which all the other duties of the collective farm
must be subordinated, including the duty to set up all sorts of funds: seed
fund, forage and food supplies”.[32]

Stalin was satisfied that he was achieving his goal. At a high-level
Party meeting, held on 27 November 1932, he gloated: “The party has
succeeded in replacing the 500-600 million poods of marketable grain, procured
during the period of individual peasant holdings by our present ability to
collect 1,200-1,400 m.p. of grain. It is hardly necessary to prove that
without this leap forward the country would have a famine [sic-RS], we would
not be
able to support our industry, we would not be able to feed the workers and
the Red Army.”[33]

The allusion to the famine, or rather to freedom from one, was an
Obvious lie, and the reference to the feeding of the workers and the Red Army
– an overstatement; but then, Stalin’s concern was not the feeding his
Subjectsb but the financing of Soviet industrialization with grain exports.

Obedience to Moscow’s orders was assured in two ways: a) frequently
Repeated delegations to Ukraine and the North Caucasus Territory of Molotov
Kaganovich and other high-ranking leaders to supervise the local
authorities, and b) party discipline enforced from Moscow down the
administrative structure. At the end of October 1932, two commissions
were sent, one to Ukraine headed by Molotov, and the other to North
Caucasus Territory headed by Kaganovich.

Stalin’s emissaries supervised party meetings and forced them to pass
resolutions on grain procurements, party discipline, stricter
application of the 7 August property laws, the establishment of “black lists”
of collective farms in arrears with grain deliveries, imposition of fines,
etc.
They also instigated purges in party organizations and administrative
structures.
Kuban’ was particularly hit with the expulsion of 43 % of the 25,000
Party members, including 358 out of 716 party secretaries.[34]

In Ukraine, during November and first five days of December, the OGPU
arrested 1,230 people, including 340 heads of kolhospy while 327
Communists were brought before the courts for sabotaging state
procurements.[35]
In the 18 November resolution quoted above, the Ukrainian CC reminded the
directors
of sovkhoz of their “personal responsibility as party members and civil
servants for the fulfillment of the grain procurement”.

“Personal responsibility” for the execution of instructions was a
Constant refrain in messages coming from above and became an important
Means for forcing recalcitrant cadres to carry out the Ukrainian genocide.

Dekulakization and deportation continued, on a smaller scale and were
Mostly of political and punitive nature. Arrests, beatings, and cruelty of
All sorts abounded as before, only now the victims were weaker and less
Capable of resistance. Kolkhozes, villages and individual farmers in arrears
On state procurement were put on “black lists”, lost access to state-run
stores, and could not buy such essentials as matches, kerosene, salt.

Fines amounted to a year and a quarter’s worth of meat tax, without
Freeing the debtor from the unfulfilled grain procurement. “Activists” – the
City workers and their komnezam helpers searched farmers’ houses and yards,
looking for the hidden grain.

There is no way of knowing what portion of the hidden grain was found
by the flying brigades of activists, but official reports state that in Kuban
they found 345,000 poods of grain in November, while searches in Ukraine
>from 1 December 1932 to 25 January 1933 yielded 1.7 million poods, in 17,000
hiding places.[36] What grain was found, was confiscated; if nothing was
discovered, they took whatever edibles were seen, leaving the family
to starve.

Peasants who could find some old religious medals or other mementos
Made of precious metals could trek to the city and exchange them at the
Torgsins (stores for foreigners) for vouchers, and then exchange them for
food.

Hardier peasants would flee their villages and seek salvation in urban
centers or in neighboring Belarus and RSFSR, where food was available.
Accounts of Ukrainian peasants overloading trains, filling stations
And wandering about Russian and Belarusian towns and countryside abound.

National and peasant questions became inextricably intertwined in
Stalin’s decree of 14 December 1932, issued under the banal title “On Grain
Procurement in Ukraine, Northern Caucasus and the Western Oblast”[37].

Ukrainization was blamed for problems in grain deliveries and
Exemplary punishment was prescribed for sabotage in grain procurement: 5-10
years of concentration camp for a number of “party traitors” arrested in the
Orikhiv raion of Dnipropetrovs’k oblast of Ukraine, and deportation to the
North of the Poltavska stanytsia of Kuban in the RSFSR.

The decree made the party and government chiefs in the three grain
Producing areas personally responsible for the completion of grain procurement
By January 1933. Ukrainianization presently is carried out in Ukraine,
“without meticulous selection of the Bolshevik cadre”, had allowed
bourgeois-nationalists and Petliurites to join party and state
institutions and set up their cells and organizations.

Absence of “revolutionary vigilance” by local party organizations let
“counterrevolutionary elements” become directors, accountants,
storekeepers, foremen in collective farms, members of village soviets. Similar
accusation was brought against Northern Caucasus, with supporters of the
Kuban’
Rada figuring in place of Petliurites. This gave nationalists the
opportunity to sabotage harvest and sowing campaigns and organize other
counterrevolutionary activities.

Party and Soviet authorities in Ukraine and Northern Caucasus were
Ordered to extirpate these counterrevolutionary elements, execute them or
Deport them to concentration camps, including “saboteurs with party
Membership cards in their pockets”.

The verdict against Ukrainization came in two parts. In Ukraine it was
Not formally prohibited, but Stalin insisted that it resume its primary
vocation, that of promoting “correct Bolshevik implementation of
Lenin’s national policy”, which in fact meant integration and assimilation.

Ukrainian authorities were instructed to “expel Petliurite and other
bourgeois-nationalist elements from party and government
organizations”, and “meticulously select and recruit Ukrainian Bolshevik
cadre”. The
signal was thus given for rapid curtailment of Ukrainization and return to a
more
sophisticated policy of Russification.[38]

Ukrainians of Northern Caucasus fared worse. “Non-Bolshevik
‘Ukrainianization’, which affected nearly half of the raions in the
Northern Caucasus,” and which was declared to be “at variance with the
cultural
interests of the population”, was totally discontinued and replaced
with Russification.

The use of the Ukrainian language was banned in public offices of
Local administration, cooperative societies, and schools. The printing of
newspapers and magazines in the Ukrainized raions of Northern Caucasus
was to switch immediately to Russian, and preparation were to begin
immediately for the transfer in the fall of all Ukrainian schools into
Russian.

The whole Poltava stanytsia was ordered to be deported and resettled
With demobilized Russian Red Army soldiers, who would receive the abandoned
land, buildings, equipment, and cattle. In fact, 2,158 families with 9,187
members were sent out before 27 December[39] and resettled a month later with
1,826 demobilized soldiers.[40]

Together with Medvedivs’ka and Umans’ka, the three Cossack stanytsias
Saw 45,000 persons deported to the North. On 15 December, Molotov and
Stalin signed a similar ban on Ukrainization, for the rest of the previously
Ukrainized Soviet regions in the RSFSR.

Stalin’s anti-Ukrainization decree reveals the extent to which the dictator
was ready to go, in sacrificing the Ukrainian nation on the altar of
great-power ambitions. There is little doubt that the ban on Ukrainization
was a sop to Russian chauvinism, especially in ethnically mixed
regions outside the Ukrainian SSR. National and social repressions reinforced
one another, even if neither was acknowledged openly.

For the next several months after the condemnation of the abuses of
Ukrainization and the Ukrainian sabotage of grain procurements, the
Ukrainian countryside passed through some of the worst moments in its
history. The litany of repressive measures is endless. 82 raions were
deprived of manufactured goods for not fulfilling their quotas of
grain deliveries.

On 19 December, Stalin orders Kaganovich and Postishev back to Ukraine
To help Kosior, Chubar and Khataevich carry out the procurement plan. On
24 December, collective farms are ordered to deliver all grain in
Fulfillment of the plan, including grain put aside for seed and food. Direct
orders to increase repressive measures, arrests and deportations increase. A
real reign of terror seizes the republic and the Kuban.

On 22 January 1933 Stalin struck another crippling blow against the
Starving Ukrainian grain growers. The new secret decree, drafted by the Gensec
himself, is perhaps the best available proof of the dictator’s
genocidal intent against the Ukrainian nation. Sent to Ukraine, Belarus and
the
neighboring regions of RSFSR[41], the document calls attention to the
unrestrained exodus of peasants from the Kuban’ and Ukraine to the
near-by regions of Russia and Belarus.

Central authorities are said to have no doubt that these migrants, who
pretend to search for food, are, in fact, Socialist-Revolutionaries and
agents of Poland, sent to agitate, “through the peasants”, in the
northern parts of the USSR, against the kolkhoz system and the Soviet power.
Addressees are reminded that a similar movement took place the
Previous year, but the party, soviet and police authorities of Ukraine did
nothing to stop it. It must not be allowed to happen this year.

Stalin then orders the party, soviet and the repressive organs of the
Northern Caucasus and Ukraine to prevent the exodus of their peasants
To other regions of the USSR and directs them to close border crossings
between Ukraine and the Northern Caucasus.

The GPU of the Russian oblast’s adjacent to the quarantined Ukrainian
And Northern Caucasus regions, and the transport section of the OGPU, are
instructed to arrest all peasants from Ukraine and North Caucasus, who
have managed to leave their territory, and, after segregating the
counter-revolutionary elements, return the others to their villages.

The next day, the Politburo of the CC KP(b)U adopted a resolution to
Carry out Moscow’s orders and forwarded the directive, along with addition
instructions, for implementation by the appropriate Ukrainian
authorities.[42]

The Ukrainian branch of the OGPU was ordered to instruct all railway
stations not to sell tickets to peasants with destinations beyond the
Ukrainian borders, without formal travel permission from the raion executive
Committee or a certificate of employment from construction or industrial
enterprises.

Oblasts were told to take “resolute measures” to prevent massive
Departure of their peasants, carefully check the work of agents recruiting
Peasants for work outside Ukraine, and to urge kolhospnyky and individual
farmers not to depart without permission for other raions because they would
be
arrested there.

On 25 January, B. Sheboldaev, the party boss of the North Caucasus
Territory, issued a similar order, adding instructions on the
employment of internal forces and border troupes and the setting up of
filtration
points.[43]

Like the anti-Ukrainization decree of 14 December 1932, the 22 January
1933 directive, which closed the borders to the famished Ukrainian peasants
Was not the beginning but the culmination of processes that had started
Many moths before. Petrovsky had complained to Stalin, back in June 1932,
About the ban on train ticket for Ukrainian peasants who wanted to obtain
provisions in Russia.

Evdokimov’s telegram from Rostov-on-Don, which Iagoda prepared for
Stalin’s attention on 23 January 1933, details the elaborate measures taken
Since November to prevent the flight of farmers from the Northern Caucasus
Territory. Among these were roadblocks set up on the main arteries of
peasant migration.

Transport authorities had arrested 11,774 persons and another 7,534
Were incarcerated by other organs. In the same dossier, Balitsky’s report
>from 22 January informed of massive exodus of peasants from Ukraine since
December.[44]

Departures were registered in 74 raions, 721 villages and 228
kolhosps. In all, 31,693 persons left: 20,129 from Kharkiv oblast’, 6,576 from
the
Kyiv oblast, 3,447 from Odessa oblast, and 1,541 from Chernihiv. Of these
migrants about one third were collective farmers and two thirds
individual farmers; 128 were activists. A check at the railway junction
stations
in the Kharkiv oblast revealed a great demand for long-distance tickets: in
January 1933 16,500 such tickets were sold in Lozova station and 15,000 – in
Sumy.

In the beginning of January 1933, the GPU began to apprehend agitators
And organizers of these migrations and arrested over 500 of them. [45] As
A direct result of Stalin’s borders decree of 22 January 1933, 219,460
Persons were arrested in the first six weeks of its application; some were
sent to the Goulag, others punished in other ways, while 186,588 were sent
back to their villages to face the famine.[46]

In the middle of March 1933, Kosior wrote unperturbedly to the Kremlin
That “the famine still hasn’t taught many kolhospnyky a lesson”.[47] In his
report from Kharkiv, dated 31 May 1933, the Italian consul general
prognosticated on the devastation of the country: “The current
disaster will bring about a preponderantly Russian colonization of Ukraine. In
a
future time, perhaps very soon, one will no longer be able to speak of a
Ukraine, or of a Ukrainian people, and thus not even of a Ukrainian problem,
Because Ukraine will have become a de facto Russian region.”[48]

There can be little doubt today that the famine was not only used by the
Communist party for political purposes, but that it was actually created and
directed by Stalin and his henchmen for that purpose. The regime’s
ultimate objective was to transform the backward empire into an industrial
giant and a military superpower that could export socialism abroad.

To achieve this, Stalin needed great quantities of marketable grain,
Which was to be extracted from the peasants “at any price” to the producers
but at minimal price to the state. The most expedient way was to herd the
peasants into collective farms, subject them to a direct control from the
Kremlin, and in this way ensure maximum grain deliveries to the state.

The Kremlin knew that the peasants would resist and that the
imposition of its will would result in the loss of millions of human lives,
but that
was of no concern for masters of a well-populated empire. Stalin’s project
required a homogenous and docile population. Revived Ukrainian
particularism, taking advantage of the indigenization program,
reinforced national unity at the expense of cohesion of the new “fatherland of
world proletariat”.

The two sources of resistance to Stalin’s plans (national and social)
Became embodied in the same group – the Ukrainian farmers. Stalin decided to
sacrifice a considerable part of this group in order to eliminate the
opposition to his projects and to frighten the rest of the Ukrainian
nation into accepting the role of cogs (as he liked to call them) of the
great socialist mechanism.

The Stalin-Kaganovich discussion of the Petrovsy and Chubar letters
(June-July 1932), the “five ears of corn” law (7 August, 1932), the
condemnation of Ukrainization (14 December 1932), and the closing of
internal Soviet borders on starving Ukrainian peasants, each provide
smoking gun revelations about the genocide against the Ukrainian nation. But a
multitude of other documents now emerging from the secret archives
help us get a rounded understanding of the gigantic crime and the immeasurable
suffering of its victims.
—————————————————————————-=
——————
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Leo Kuper, Genocide. Its Politic Use in the Twentieth Century.
(Penguin,
1981), p. 35.
[2] Valerii Vasiliev & Yuri Shapoval (eds.), Komandyry velykoho
holodu.
Poizdky V. Molotova i L. Kahanovycha v Ukrainu i na Pivnichnyi Kavkaz
1932-1933 rr. Kyiv, 2001; I. Zelenin et al (eds.), Tragediia sovetskoi
derevni. Kollektivizatsiia i rasskulachivanie. Tom 3. Moskva, 2001;
Stalin I Kaganovich Perepiska 1931-1936 gg. Moskva, 2001;
Rozsekrechena pam’iat’: Holodomor 1932-1933 rokiv v Ukraini v dokumentakh
GPU-NKVD. Kyiv,
2007;
Ruslan Pyrih (ed.), Holodomor 1932-1933 rokiv v Ukraini: dokumenty i
materialy. Kyiv, 2007.

[3] Nicolas Werth, La terreur et le d=E9sarroi: Staline et son syst=E8me.
Paris, Perrin, 2007.

[4] Discussed more fully in my article, “The Ukrainian Famine of
1932-1933 and the United Nations Convention on Genocide”, in Taras Hunczak &
Roman Serbyn. Famine in Ukraine 1932-1933: Genocide by Other Means.
(Forthcoming.)

[5] For a thorough discussion of Ukrainization and its problems see
James Mace, Communism and the dilemmas of national liberation: national
Communism in Soviet Ukraine, 1918-1933. Cambride, Mass., 1983.
See also Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire. Nations and Nationalism
in the Soviet Union, 1929-1939. Ithaca & London, 2001.

[6] J. V. Stalin, “Concerning the National Question in Yugoslavia”
Works.
Vol. 7. Moscow, 1954. Pp. 71-72.

[7] Rozsekrechena pam’iat’. Pp. 75-81.

[8] Valerii Vasil’ev & Linn Viola. Kolektyvizatsiia i selians’kyi opir
Na Ukraini (lystopad 1929-berezen’ 1930). Vinnytsia, 1997. P. 91.
–
[9] Nicolas Werth, La terreur et le d=E9sarroi: Staline et son syst=E8me.
Paris, Perrin, 2007. P. 118.

[10] Holod 1932-1933 rokiv na Ukraini:ochyma istorykiv, movoiu
dokumentiv. Kyiv, 1990. P. 148.

[11] All quotations and references to the two letters are taken from
Komandyry velykoho holodu. Pp.206-215.

[12] One pood =3D 16.36 kg; 1 ton – 61.36 poods.

[13] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence 1931-1936. New Haven&
London, 2003. P. 136.

[14] For the allocation of the food aid, see Holod 1932-1933 rokiv na
Ukraini. Kyiv, 1990. P. 183, 187-188.

[15] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 138 (Underlined by
Stalin).

[16] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 138-139..

[17] Holod. 1990. P. 183 (doc. 63), P. 190 (doc. 68).

[18] The original plan of 410 million poods (6.7 m.t.) was lowered
twice to 356 and 274.8 million poods (5.8 m.t.; 4.5 m.t. ) but 16 November was
raised to 5.8 m.t. Rozsekrechena pam’iat’. p. 84.

[19] For a detailed account of the deliberations see Komandyry
Velykoho holodu. Pp. 152-164

[20] See part of the resolution in Holod1932-1933 rokiv na Ukraini.
Kyiv, 1990. P. 194-198

[21] A secret OGPU report from around 20 July 1932 stated that “as for
anti-Soviet manifestations, Ukraine occupies first place”. “From 1
January to 1 July 1932, 118 counterrevolutionary kulak organizations were
discovered, counting 2.479 members. In addition, along the lines of
national counterrevolution we have unmasked 35 groups with 562 members.”
Tragedia, p.

421. Another secret OGPU report, dated 5 August, contains a section
“National counterrevolution (U[krainian]SSR)” which relates the
Liquidation of 8 nationalist groups, two of which consisted of former members
Of the outlawed UKP (Ukrainian Communist Party). These people are said to
have a leftist program and conduct systematic activity among members of the
KP(b)U, arguing that the Soviet authorities are suppressing the Ukrainian
culture. In their platform, claims the report, they declare war on the Soviet
regime and Polish fascism, while in fact keeping links abroad and carrying
out directives of the Second Department of of the Polish General Staff in
Ukraine. Ibid. p. 443.

[22] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 164-165.

[23] S. Kulchytsky, Tsina “Velykoho perelomu”. Kyiv, 1990. P. 296. On
23 July Stalin sent a telegram to Kaganovich demanding the restoration
And enforcement of last year’s ban on transporting private bread supplies
By rail or water. Tragedia, p. 428.

[24] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 166.

[25] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 169.

[26] Tragedia, p. 453-454.

[27] Stalin i Kaganovich Perepiska. Pp. 273-275; The Stalin-Kaganovich
Correspondence. P. 179-181. A follow-up secret “Instruction on the
Application of the TsIK and SNK SSSR of 7 August 1932 About the
Safeguarding of State Property”, signed by the Chairman and the Prosecutor of
the
Supreme Court of the USSR and the Vice-Charman of the OGPU, was sent out on 16
September to all republican and oblast authorities. Tragedia. P.
477-479.

[28] On 12 August Stalin sends a note to Kaganovich asking him to keep
secret for the moment the plan regarding Ukraine sent in the preceding
letter. Tragedia. P. 276. To stiffen Kosior’s resolve, in January
1933, Stalin sent him the more resolute Postyshev as his second in command;
Redens was replaced Balitsky in February 1933.

[29] Letter of 16 Augus 1932. Stalin i Kaganovich Perepiska. P.
283-284;
Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 183-184.

[30] Timoty Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War. New Haven, Yale
University Press. P. 104.

[31] Kosior spoke of 255 m.p. at the January plenum of the CC KP(b)U.
Holod1932-1933 rokiv na Ukraini. P. 352.
Davies and Wheatcroft give
3,584,000 tons, or 219 millon poods, P. 478.
Other authors give similar figures.

[32] Holod 1932-1932 rokiv na Ukraini. P. 253.

[33] Tragedia. P. 559.

[34] Davies & Wheatcroft, The Years of Hunger. P. 178.

[35] Komandyry velykoho holodu. P. 50.

[36] Komandyry velykoho holodu. P. 49; Kulchytsky, Holod 1932-1933 v
Ukraini iak henotsyd. Kyiv, 2005. P. 98

[37] Tragedia, Pp. 575-577; also in Holod 1932-1933 rokiv na Ukraini.
Pp 291-194.

[38] The Russification of Ukraine attracted the attention of the
Italian consulate in Kharkiv. “In government offices the Russian language is
Once again being used, in correspondence as well as in verbal dealings
Between employees.” See the “Italian Diplomatic and Consular Dispatches”,
Report to Congress. Commission on the Ukraine Famine. Washington, 1988. P.
446.

[39] G.G. Iagoda report to Stalin, 29 December 1932. Lubianka. Stalin
I VChK-GPU-OGPU-NKVD. Moskva 2003. P. 386.

[40] Nicolaas Werth, Le pouvoir sovi=E9tique et la paysannerie dans les
rapports de la police politique (1930-1934). Rapport du 27 f=E9vrier
1933.
/http:/www.ihtp.cnrs.fr/dossier_soviet_paysans/sommaire.html/

[41] Tragedia sovetskoi derevni. P. 634-635. The first English
Translation of the document appeared in Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action
Empire. Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939. Ithaca and
London, 2001. P.p. 306-307.

[42] Volodymyr Serhiichuk. Iak nas moryly holodom. Kyiv, 2003. PP
156-158.

[43] Tragedia, p. 636-637.Sheboldaev added more precisions on the
Filtration points three days later. Ibid. P. 638.

[44] Lubianka. Stalin i VChK-GPU-OGPU-NKVD. Moskva 2003.P. 394.

[45] Lubianka. P. 392-393.

[46] N.A. Ivnitskii, Kollektivizatsiia i raskulachivanie (nachala 30-
Kh godov). Moscow, 1994. P. 204.

[47] Tragedia. P. 657.

[48] “Italian Diplomatic and Consular Dispatches. Op. cit. P. 427.

—————————————————————————-=
——————
FOOTNOTE: Article published by the Action Ukraine Report (AUR) with
permission from Professor Federigo Argentieri, John Cabot University,
Rome, Italy.

For the real TRUTH about ZHIDS, visit the world top-rated website
for JEW-WATCH:
http://www.jewwatch.com

Now with more evidence coming out proving ZHID COLLABORATION
WITH NAZIS – another 51 cases besides the renowned Kastner case –
no wonder people around the world are really disliking the
Christkiller ZHIDS!!

Or, other useful websites include:
ZUNDELSITE – www.zundelsite.org
IHR – www.ihr.org
Stormfront – http://www.stormfront.org
OSTARA – www.ostara.org
PAMYAT – http://abbc.com/pamyat/index.html
Edgar J.Steele – www.ConspiracyPenPal.com
AL JAZEERA – http://english.aljazeera.net/HomePage
THE HOFFMAN WIRE – Dedicated to Freedom of the Press,
Investigative Reporting and Revisionist History
Subscribe: [email protected]
Yggdrasil’s White Nationalist Library – http://www.ddc.net/ygg
American Renaissance – http://www.amren.com
Campaign for Radical Truth in History – http://www.hoffman-info.com

Or, visit the website for NATIONAL ALLIANCE : http://www.natall.com
They have lots of information, as well as books and records.

Reply-To: Frank Arthur – [email protected],
or to Steve Horn – [email protected],
or [email protected]

Feel free to subscribe us to maillists for sex,
homosexuals and the like.

From [email protected] Mon May 12 18:59:57 EDT 2008
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HOLODOMOR = ZYD/NKVD HOLOCAUST ON UKRAINIANS! Message:
Probably the best analysis of what happened that I have read to date.

Trident

IS THERE A “SMOKING GUN” FOR THE HOLODOMOR?

[3] Nicolas Werth, La terreur et le d=E9sarroi: Staline et son syst=E8me.
Paris, Perrin, 2007.

[6] J. V. Stalin, “Concerning the National Question in Yugoslavia”
Works.
Vol. 7. Moscow, 1954. Pp. 71-72.

[7] Rozsekrechena pam’iat’. Pp. 75-81.

[10] Holod 1932-1933 rokiv na Ukraini:ochyma istorykiv, movoiu
dokumentiv. Kyiv, 1990. P. 148.

[11] All quotations and references to the two letters are taken from
Komandyry velykoho holodu. Pp.206-215.

[12] One pood =3D 16.36 kg; 1 ton – 61.36 poods.

[13] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence 1931-1936. New Haven&
London, 2003. P. 136.

[14] For the allocation of the food aid, see Holod 1932-1933 rokiv na
Ukraini. Kyiv, 1990. P. 183, 187-188.

[15] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 138 (Underlined by
Stalin).

[16] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 138-139..

[17] Holod. 1990. P. 183 (doc. 63), P. 190 (doc. 68).

[18] The original plan of 410 million poods (6.7 m.t.) was lowered
twice to 356 and 274.8 million poods (5.8 m.t.; 4.5 m.t. ) but 16 November was
raised to 5.8 m.t. Rozsekrechena pam’iat’. p. 84.

[19] For a detailed account of the deliberations see Komandyry
Velykoho holodu. Pp. 152-164

[20] See part of the resolution in Holod1932-1933 rokiv na Ukraini.
Kyiv, 1990. P. 194-198

[22] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 164-165.

[24] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 166.

[25] The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 169.

[26] Tragedia, p. 453-454.

[29] Letter of 16 Augus 1932. Stalin i Kaganovich Perepiska. P.
283-284;
Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence. P. 183-184.

[30] Timoty Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War. New Haven, Yale
University Press. P. 104.

[32] Holod 1932-1932 rokiv na Ukraini. P. 253.

[33] Tragedia. P. 559.

[34] Davies & Wheatcroft, The Years of Hunger. P. 178.

[35] Komandyry velykoho holodu. P. 50.

[36] Komandyry velykoho holodu. P. 49; Kulchytsky, Holod 1932-1933 v
Ukraini iak henotsyd. Kyiv, 2005. P. 98

[37] Tragedia, Pp. 575-577; also in Holod 1932-1933 rokiv na Ukraini.
Pp 291-194.

[39] G.G. Iagoda report to Stalin, 29 December 1932. Lubianka. Stalin
I VChK-GPU-OGPU-NKVD. Moskva 2003. P. 386.

[42] Volodymyr Serhiichuk. Iak nas moryly holodom. Kyiv, 2003. PP
156-158.

[43] Tragedia, p. 636-637.Sheboldaev added more precisions on the
Filtration points three days later. Ibid. P. 638.

[44] Lubianka. Stalin i VChK-GPU-OGPU-NKVD. Moskva 2003.P. 394.

[45] Lubianka. P. 392-393.

[46] N.A. Ivnitskii, Kollektivizatsiia i raskulachivanie (nachala 30-
Kh godov). Moscow, 1994. P. 204.

[47] Tragedia. P. 657.

[48] “Italian Diplomatic and Consular Dispatches. Op. cit. P. 427.

For the real TRUTH about ZHIDS, visit the world top-rated website
for JEW-WATCH:
http://www.jewwatch.com

Or, visit the website for NATIONAL ALLIANCE : http://www.natall.com
They have lots of information, as well as books and records.

Reply-To: Frank Arthur – [email protected],
or to Steve Horn – [email protected],
or [email protected]

Feel free to subscribe us to maillists for sex,
homosexuals and the like.

From [email protected] Mon May 12 19:00:00 EDT 2008
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On Mon, 08 Oct 2007 15:00:05 GMT, Proposition 88
wrote:

>With even the Soviets forced to admit that it was their ZYD NKVD who did the
>murders at KATYN, why are you apologising for them?

>Historians and experts proved it was NOT the Germans!

>Were you one of the killers, or perhaps your father, uncle or?

>On Sat, 8 Jul 2006 11:54:59 -0700, “Peter Wielki” wrote:

>>Actually, in Katyn there were Russians and Ukraninians that did the crime,
>>as far as I know.

>>But yeah, let’s blame it on JEWS!!! Germans did it too, right Frankie?

>>”Frank Arthur” wrote in message
>>news:[email protected]…
>>> True,Just Like Vinnitsa!!

>>> The filthy ZYDS can no longer lie about KATYN and try to blame the
>>> Germans.

>>> Even the Soviets had to admit the truth, and also about Vinnitsa.

>>> No wonder around the world more and more people are starting to really
>>> dislike the filthy ZHIDS!!

>>> Latest update follows:
>>> From: “Strider”
>>> Newsgroups:soc.culture.jewish,soc.culture.israel,soc.culture.usa,soc.culture.australian,soc.culture.yugoslavia
>>> Subject: Jewish Copmmissars murdered these Poles

>>> Our shame still lies in the Katyn forest
>>> By Kevin Myers
>>> (Filed: 27/04/2003)

>>> Today Poles all over the world will commemorate the 60th anniversary of
>>> the discovery of the war crime which didn’t occur. And the
>>> non-existence of this atrocity constituted democracy’s most sordid
>>> exercise in realpolitik of the entire 20th century. The Soviet Union captured 180,000
>>> Polish soldiers during its invasion of Poland in 1939. Most were herded
>>> off to slave-camps in Siberia, but 22,000 officers were not. In April 1940, on
>>> Stalin’s orders, each was bound with barbed wire and executed with a
>>> single shot to the head.

>>> This was a colossal undertaking: the death toll was greater than that
>>> on the most calamitous day in British military history – the Somme, July
>>> 1, 1916.

>>> More importantly, the massacres occurred before the German invasions
>>> of France and the Low Countries. And although hundreds of Jews in Poland
>>> had been murdered, these were improvised butcheries, essentially unrelated to
>>> The Final Solution, which had not yet begun.

>>> So the first systematic mass murder of defenceless innocents in the
>>> Second World War was not by the Nazis, but by the Soviet Union, just over
>>> a year before the USSR became Britain’s official best friend. This shouldn’t
>>> surprise us: after all, it had been the Soviets, and not the Nazis, who
>>> invented industrialised murder. From the revolution on, they freely used
>>> the word “exterminate” of their enemies. Hitler listened; and Hitler learned,
>>> as dictators do. Moreover, the careful murder of so many officers from a
>>> single narrow stratum of Polish society was truly proto-genocide: its intent was
>>> to eliminate Polish identity by the extermination of all its perceived
>>> guardians.

>>> In 1943, via two sources – through a population census within the
>>> exiled Polish community living in the USSR, and from the Germans, who had
>>> discovered the site of one of the massacres, in the woods of Katyn,
>>> outside Smolensk – the British discovered the fate of the Polish officers. A
>>> devastating report from the British ambassador to the Polish
>>> government-in-exile, Owen O’Malley, left no doubt about the matter.

>>> The British Government’s public response was to dismiss the Nazi
>>> discoveries as propaganda and tell the Polish government-in-exile to
>>> forget Katyn and to proceed with beating the real enemy, Germany.

>>> War is war, and in peace it is impossible to replicate the fevers and
>>> the terrors it induces. So no useful moral judgment can be made about
>>> those who decided in 1943 publicly to accept lies as fact, and to conceal
>>> the truth as regrettable but necessary strategy. But it was statecraft at its
>>> most pusillanimous to allow those lies to become a cornerstone of the
>>> relationship between the Western allies and the Soviet Union.

>>> That is what happened when the three leaders – Churchill, Roosevelt
>>> and Stalin – met at Teheran in November 1943. Far from berating the Soviet
>>> Leader for the massacres, the two democratic leaders propitiated him,
>>> awarding him the Polish land he had stolen even as he seized his future murder
>>> victims.

>>> And when Stalin jested that they should settle the German problem once and
>>> for all by killing 50,000 German officers, Churchill merely protested sulkily,
>>> and Roosevelt light-heartedly suggested killing only 49,000.

>>> But nobody mentioned Katyn. How was this possible? For the massacre of
>>> the Poles was surely the secret subtext to this grisly exchange, and one
>>> by which Stalin was taking the measure of his two confreres. All three knew
>>> of the murders, and the bodyguard of lies around them: and silently, all
>>> three – two of them abjectly, the third triumphantly – assented to those lies.

>>> Teheran was the true nadir of international diplomacy, morally far
>>> more ignoble and strategically far more catastrophic than either Munich
>>> five years before or Yalta a year later. And the key to Teheran was Katyn: once
>>> Stalin had got away with that, he realised he could get away with almost
>>> anything.

>>> Moreover, the fiction of Katyn took root within the Foreign Office.
>>> There, nourished on complicit cowardice and malformed in the darkness of
>>> pathological guilt, the temporary tactic of 1943 was in time to turn into
>>> the diseased plant of enduring policy. It even caused the Callaghan Government
>>> in the 1970s vehemently to oppose the erection of a memorial in London to the
>>> victims of Katyn.

>>> Denial, in its purest psychiatric sense, of Katyn also infused much
>>> consideration of the 20th century: how else could Roy Jenkins have
>>> written a life of Churchill without once referring to Katyn, the Great Lie
>>> of which the prime minister was prime mover? How else could so many
>>> historians.

>>> Norman Davies aside – simply ignore the extraordinary Western
>>> collusion in covering up communist atrocities, and the profound impact
>>> this must have had on Kremlin thinking?

>>> On Thursday the FCO publishes a report, British reactions to the Katyn
>>> Massacre, in a belated attempt at expiation for Britain’s repeated
>>> cover-ups of this terrible affair. But it cannot undo the evil of the
>>> extermination of the Polish officer corps which, far from being the
>>> subject of a war-crimes trial, was embraced and rewarded at Teheran;
>>> and from that city, the communism of Katyn was soon to march forth
>>> and conquer half the world.

>>> My thanks to you for reposting this article.
>>> A brilliant truthful piece.
>>> Ed Kadach

>>> [email protected] wrote:
>>>>>On Sun, 19 Jul 1998 22:06:50 GMT, [email protected] wrote:
>>>>>On 1 May 1998 13:08:00 +0200, [email protected] wrote:

>>>>>American Dissident Voices Broadcast of April 25, 1998

>>>>>Katyn
>>>>>by Dr. William Pierce

>>>>>A background noise that seems never to go away is the constant
>>>>>whining and yammering of the Jews about how the world owes them a
>>>>>living because of their losses during the so-called “Holocaust.”
>>>>>They do it, of course, because they make such a big profit on it.
>>>>>The latest flare-up of this Jewish play for a handout came more
>>>>>than a year ago when they began demanding that the Swiss pay them
>>>>>$7 billion, which “Holocaust” victims allegedly had stashed in
>>>>>numbered Swiss accounts before being hauled off to gas chambers
>>>>>during the Second World War.

>>>>>With a few “bought” Gentile politicians fronting for them, the
>>>>>foremost among these being New York’s Senator Alphonse D’Amato,
>>>>>the Jews threatened Switzerland with a boycott by the U.S.
>>>>>government if their demands were not met. Instead of laughing in
>>>>>their faces, telling the Jews to go to hell, and gearing up for
>>>>>countermeasures against Israel and other Jewish interests if the
>>>>>Jews tried to proceed with a boycott, the Swiss politicians tried
>>>>>to placate the Jews by offering to buy themoff. The Jews took the
>>>>>Swiss response as a sign of weakness and escalated their demands.

>>>>>The average Swiss citizen seems to have a little more pride than
>>>>>Switzerland’s elected officials, however, and resentment against
>>>>>the Jews’ extortion efforts is building in Switzerland now to the
>>>>>point that some of that country’s richest Jews are wearing
>>>>>bulletproof vests whenever they must go out in public.

>>>>>In general, however, this “Holocaust”-based extortion racket
>>>>>works quite well for the Jews, and they have expanded their
>>>>>demands for World War Two reparations to include a number of
>>>>>other countries besides Switzerland. They are even whining that
>>>>>the Vatican owes them because Pope Pius XII didn’t do enough to
>>>>>save them from the Germans during the war. The Jews’ brazenness
>>>>>in this whole business is quite breathtaking.

>>>>>Their brazenness, of course, is justified, because by and large
>>>>>they have been getting away with it. And they have been getting
>>>>>away with it because with their media control they have been able
>>>>>to distort the general public’s whole perception of what happened
>>>>>during the Second World War. They have been able to portray
>>>>>themselves as innocent victims and just about everyone else as
>>>>>persecutors and aggressors, even the people who were fighting on
>>>>>the Jewish side against the Germans during the war. For example,
>>>>>they have done quite a bit of whining that after the Red Army
>>>>>drove the Germans from Poland, the Poles took the opportunity to
>>>>>lynch hundreds of Jews in 1945 and 1946: Jews whom the Germans
>>>>>somehow had failed to get rid of during their wartime occupation
>>>>>of Poland.

>>>>>Now, why would the Poles do something like that? Why would they
>>>>>lynch the poor Jews, who had been on their side during the war?
>>>>>If you learned about the war from watching Steven Spielberg
>>>>>propaganda films and other mass-media sources, you probably
>>>>>believe that it was because of religious anti-Semitism on the
>>>>>part of the Catholic Poles. Let me tell you the real reason why
>>>>>so many Poles hated Jews after the war. It’s something the
>>>>>Jew-controlled media in America have tried hard to keep covered
>>>>>up. Let me tell you about what happened in the Katyn forest
>>>>>in 1940.

>>>>>In September 1939 Poland was invaded from the west by Germany and
>>>>>from the east by the Soviet Union. The Germans wanted back the
>>>>>territory in western Poland, including the city of Danzig, which
>>>>>had been taken from them at the end of the First World War. The
>>>>>Soviets wanted eastern Poland. The Germans and the Soviets
>>>>>divided Poland between them, with the boundary running roughly
>>>>>along the River Bug.

>>>>>Britain and France, both under strong Jewish pressure, declared
>>>>>war on Germany in September 1939, ostensibly because of Germany’s
>>>>>invasion of Poland. They did not declare war on the Soviet Union,
>>>>>which also had invaded Poland. In the United States and in
>>>>>western Europe, where the Jews held a deathgrip on the mass
>>>>>media, a great deal of anti-German propaganda was based on the
>>>>>German grab for Polish territory — much of which, of course,
>>>>>actually was historically German territory — and nothing was
>>>>>said of the Soviet occupation and annexation of eastern Poland.

>>>>>The reason for this anti-German and pro-Soviet bias by the Jewish
>>>>>media was that the Jews were riding high in the Soviet Union as
>>>>>commissars and communist party bosses under Stalin, while in
>>>>>Germany Hitler had undertaken a program since 1933 of freeing
>>>>>Germany from all Jewish influence. Jews had been weeded out of
>>>>>the media, the law, the schools, and other areas of economic and
>>>>>cultural life in Germany. Before Hitler became chancellor in 1933
>>>>>the Jews had done in Germany what they do in every country where
>>>>>they gain a foothold: they had monopolized large sections of the
>>>>>mass media and certain professions and were doing their best to
>>>>>distort German culture, German society, and the German economy
>>>>>to suit themselves. Hitler put a stop to that, and two-thirds of
>>>>>the 1933 Jewish population of Germany had emigrated by the
>>>>>invasion of Poland in September 1939. So the Jews hated Germany
>>>>>and were determined to do whatever they could to destroy her.

>>>>>For his part, Hitler hoped to avoid war with Britain and France.
>>>>>He hoped that after his quick victory in western Poland he could
>>>>>make peace with Britain and France. He was determined, however,
>>>>>to stamp out communism wherever he encountered it. Not only did
>>>>>he hate communism on ideological grounds, but he had sworn to
>>>>>fight communism when the communists in Germany betrayed his
>>>>>country at the end of the First World War. Hitler also saw the
>>>>>Soviet Union as a threat to all of Europe, and he was determined
>>>>>to break the power of that country when he could, even though
>>>>>there was an uneasy non-aggression pact between Germany and the
>>>>>Soviet Union in 1939, at the time of their partition of Poland.

>>>>>In the spring of 1941 massive troop movements and other
>>>>>developments inside the Soviet Union convinced Hitler that Stalin
>>>>>was preparing to invade the west with the Red Army, and so in
>>>>>June 1941 Hitler made a preemptive strike. German forces smashed
>>>>>through the Red Army and made rapid advances, first through
>>>>>Soviet-occupied eastern Poland and then through Ukraine and into
>>>>>Russia.

>>>>>A year and a half later, in February 1943, German forces near
>>>>>Smolensk, in western Russia, investigated reports they heard from
>>>>>Russian civilians to the effect that a large number of prisoners
>>>>>had been murdered by the Soviet secret police in the area nearly
>>>>>three years earlier. The German investigators were led by local
>>>>>Russians to a series of mounds in a wooded area known locally as
>>>>>Katyn Forest, about 10 miles west of Smolensk. The forest is
>>>>>named for a village, Katyn, which it surrounds. The forest had
>>>>>been privately owned prior to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917,
>>>>>but after the communist takeover of Russia the area had been
>>>>>confiscated by the government and part of the forest had been
>>>>>turned over to the NKVD, the Soviet equivalent of the American
>>>>>FBI.

>>>>>The Germans began digging in the mounds in the Katyn forest and
>>>>>made a horrible discovery. They found corpse after corpse, each
>>>>>with its hands bound behind its back and a bullet hole in the
>>>>>base of its skull. They continued their excavations for more than
>>>>>a month, and eventually uncovered more than 4,000 corpses. Other
>>>>>bodies may have remained buried in other mounds, but the Germans
>>>>>had no time to dig up the whole forest. Instead they called in
>>>>>the International Red Cross and representatives of various
>>>>>neutral countries to examine their findings. They also brought in
>>>>>groups of Allied prisoners of war, including Americans, from
>>>>>prison camps in Germany to view the graves in the Katyn forest.
>>>>>They gave these international inspectors complete freedom to
>>>>>examine the exhumed bodies, permitted doctors among them to
>>>>>conduct autopsies, even allowed them to dig up other bodies from
>>>>>one of the mounds which had not been completely excavated. The
>>>>>Germans asked only that the inspectors report back truthfully to
>>>>>their own governments about their observations. And in fact, most
>>>>>of them did.

>>>>>What they reported was that the bodies were those of Polish
>>>>>military officers, along with a number of civilian cultural and
>>>>>business leaders and intellectuals — scientists, writers, poets
>>>>>– who had been in the portion of Poland occupied by the Soviet
>>>>>Union in September 1939. Altogether the Soviet secret police had
>>>>>rounded up some 15,000 Polish leaders in 1939 — including nearly
>>>>>half of the entire Polish officer’s corps, the half that had had
>>>>>the misfortune of being in eastern Poland at the time — and put
>>>>>them in three concentration camps in Russia: at Starobelsk,
>>>>>Kozelsk, and Ostashkov. All of the bodies unearthed in the
>>>>>Katyn forest were of Polish leaders who had been confined at one
>>>>>of these camps: Starobelsk.

>>>>>Rounding up a country’s leaders and killing them was standard
>>>>>practice for the communists. The theory was that the leaders were
>>>>>bourgeois oppressors of the working class and deserved to die. As
>>>>>egalitarians the communists did not regard the Polish officers
>>>>>and intellectuals as inherently better or more valuable human
>>>>>material than the average Polish criminal or welfare bum; the
>>>>>officers had simply used their class advantage to gain a better
>>>>>life-style for themselves. Of course, no one really believed that
>>>>>theory except the criminals and welfare bums and other resentful
>>>>>losers and ne’er-do-wells who made up the natural communist
>>>>>constituency. As a practical matter, however, killing all the
>>>>>leaders and potential leaders of a conquered people made them
>>>>>easier to govern. That’s what the Marxists had done in Russia,
>>>>>Ukraine, and the Baltic countries.

>>>>>In the case of the Poles there was a bit of a diplomatic problem,
>>>>>though. The Poles supported the war Britain and France had
>>>>>declared against Germany, purportedly on their behalf, because
>>>>>they viewed that as their one hope for getting back at least the
>>>>>western part of their country. They were not happy about the
>>>>>Russians taking the eastern part of Poland, but the Russians at
>>>>>least were fellow Slavs. The thing to do was get rid of the
>>>>>Germans first and then worry about the Russians. This Polish
>>>>>strategy suited Stalin fine. But it made it desirable for him to
>>>>>avoid alienating the Poles any more than necessary. When Polish
>>>>>exiles asked about their imprisoned leaders in late 1939 and
>>>>>early 1940, the Soviet government promised that they would be
>>>>>released shortly. Meanwhile, the decision had been made to kill
>>>>>all of them. And so in April 1940 the Polish leaders were taken
>>>>>from the three camps where they had been imprisoned, trucked off
>>>>>to various liquidation sites, and murdered. The ones who had been
>>>>>imprisoned at Starobelsk all went to the NKVD area of the Katyn
>>>>>forest. After the war some of the NKVD executioners were
>>>>>interviewed in Israel and described how they had carried out the
>>>>>killings.

>>> ISRAEL REFUSED TO PROSECUTE THESE ZHID MURDERERS!!

>>>>>The Poles were driven up to the burial pits in long NKVD prison
>>>>>trucks known as “black ravens.” They were pulled from the trucks
>>>>>one at a time by NKVD guards. Each Polish prisoner had his hands
>>>>>bound behind his back and then was dragged to the edge of a pit.
>>>>>There he was held by two NKVD men while a third fired a pistol
>>>>>bullet into the back of his head. Some of the officers had had
>>>>>their coats pulled over their heads to keep them from seeing what
>>>>>was happening before they were shot. Some struggled and were
>>>>>bayonetted by NKVD guards before being shot and thrown into the
>>>>>pit. When all of the officers from Starobelsk had been killed,
>>>>>some 4,400 of them, the Katyn forest burial pits were covered
>>>>>with dirt and pine trees were planted on them. The locations of
>>>>>the mass graves of the prisoners from the camps at Kozelsk and
>>>>>Ostashkov remain unknown, but none of the 15,000 Polish officers
>>>>>and intellectuals rounded up by the NKVD in September 1939 was
>>>>>seen alive after April 1940.

>>>>>The Red Cross representatives and the Allied prisoners the
>>>>>Germans brought in to examine the mass graves in the Katyn forest
>>>>>understood after their examination not only who had been killed;
>>>>>they also understood who had killed them. This was apparent not
>>>>>only from the medical estimates of the length of time the bodies
>>>>>had been buried, but also from documentary evidence on the
>>>>>bodies. Diaries, news clippings, letters, and other personal
>>>>>papers removed from the clothing of the victims all told the same
>>>>>story: the latest dates on any of these papers were from
>>>>>mid-April 1940. The Polish leaders had been killed in April 1940,
>>>>>when they were prisoners of the Soviet Union and when the Katyn
>>>>>region was under Soviet control. And this is what they reported
>>>>>back to their governments.

>>>>>So what do you think happened? Were the British and American
>>>>>governments horrified to discover that their “gallant Soviet
>>>>>ally,” as the Soviet Union was referred to by the mass media, was
>>>>>a mass murderer? Did the British government, which had gone to
>>>>>war against Germany under the pretext of defending Poland, decide
>>>>>that it had made a mistake? Did anyone condemn the Soviet Union
>>>>>for this act of genocide against the Poles?

>>>>>Of course not! The Allied governments ordered their people who
>>>>>had inspected the Katyn site to keep their mouths shut, and the
>>>>>Jewish media immediately began announcing that the Germans had
>>>>>done it. A mass murder of Polish officers and intellectuals by
>>>>>the Nazis had been discovered in the Katyn forest, the New York
>>>>>Times and the rest of the Jewish media shrieked. Poor Poles!
>>>>>Wicked Germans! The war must go on to free the poor Poles and
>>>>>punish the wicked Germans. And the war did go on, killing
>>>>>millions of more Germans, British, Americans, and other
>>>>>Europeans. And the Germans were indeed punished. The Poles, of
>>>>>course, were not freed. Instead they were turned over to the
>>>>>Reds, who had butchered their leaders in the Katyn forest, and
>>>>>made to suffer under communist rule for half a century.

>>>>>The war went on after the German discovery of the mass graves in
>>>>>the Katyn forest, because its purpose from the beginning was not
>>>>>to free Poland but to destroy Germany, which had dared to free
>>>>>itself from the Jews. Roosevelt understood this. Churchill
>>>>>understood this. But the American and British people didn’t
>>>>>understand it, of course, because they were lied to by the Jewish
>>>>>media and by their own governments, who in 1943 as in 1998 have
>>>>>done whatever has been politically expedient. And what has been
>>>>>politically expedient has been what the Jewish media bosses have
>>>>>decided.

>>>>>The lies about Katyn were maintained by the media for some years
>>>>>after the end of the war, because these lies meshed nicely with
>>>>>the “Holocaust” story which was making so much money for the
>>>>>Jews. Nowadays, of course, the truth about the Katyn murders is
>>>>>generally accepted by historians everywhere. You can go into
>>>>>almost any large library and read about it and even see the
>>>>>gruesome photographs that the Germans took of the Polish bodies
>>>>>they dug up. One of several authoritative books on the subject is
>>>>>J.K. Zawodny’s Death in the Forest: the Story of the Katyn
>>>>>Forest Massacre, published in 1962 by the University of Notre
>>>>>Dame Press. None of this is publicized a la Steven Spielberg, of
>>>>>course, for the illumination of American television audiences. It
>>>>>still might undermine the Jews’ “Holocaust” racket.

>>>>>In 1945 and 1946, although the deceived citizens of the western
>>>>>world didn’t know the truth about Katyn, Polish patriots did. The
>>>>>word had gotten back to the Polish prisoners in German camps from
>>>>>the Poles the Germans had taken to examine the graves. After the
>>>>>war, when these Polish prisoners were freed, the word spread to
>>>>>other Poles. They knew that it was the communists, not the Nazis,
>>>>>who had murdered their leaders, who had beheaded their nation.

>>>>>And they knew who was behind communism, from the Jew Karl Marx,
>>>>>who had started the whole business, up to the Jewish commissars
>>>>>who lorded it over them in Soviet-occupied Poland. They knew who
>>>>>had welcomed their Soviet conquerors and then collaborated with
>>>>>those conquerors. And so it is hardly surprising that in 1945 and
>>>>>1946 a few Polish patriots organized lynchings of Jews in Poland,
>>>>>before the Reds had a chance to clamp down on all of Poland and
>>>>>suppress any further expressions of anti-communist or anti-Jewish
>>>>>feeling.

>>>>>No, the Polish dislike of Jews/ZHIDS isn’t surprising. What is
>>>>>surprising is that so few patriots in America and Britain have
>>>>>expressed their outrage against the Jews, not only for what they
>>>>>did to the Poles during and after the war, but for what they have
>>>>>done to us: lying to us and using us to wage their wars for them.
>>>>>If patriots study the Katyn story and take its lesson to heart,
>>>>>they will understand why they cannot trust either the mass media
>>>>>or any government which dances to the tune played by the media.
>>>>>Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill were as much liars and
>>>>>traitors as Bill Clinton and Tony Blair.

>>>>>Anyway, you might remember Katyn the next time you hear the Jews
>>>>>or some of their bought politicians whining about how much gold
>>>>>was stolen from them by the Swiss or how badly the Poles and the
>>>>>Germans treated them during the Second World War.

>>>>>The text above is based on a broadcast of the American Dissident
>>>>>Voices radio program sponsored by National Vanguard Books. To
>>>>>receive weekly ADV transcripts, mail: [email protected]
>>>>>Write “subscribe” as the subject of your message.

First,let us kill all the lawyers! – W.Shakespeare
First, we get rid of all the politicians! – Mao tse Dung
Lawyers, politicians, and judges need to be recycled-as fertiliser!!
Me
For the real TRUTH about ZHIDS, visit the world top-rated website
for JEW-WATCH:
http://www.jewwatch.com

Or, visit the website for NATIONAL ALLIANCE : http://www.natall.com
They have lots of information, as well as books and records.

Reply-To: Frank Arthur – [email protected],
or to Steve Horn – [email protected],
or [email protected]

Feel free to subscribe us to maillists for sex,
homosexuals and the like.

From [email protected] Mon May 12 19:00:02 EDT 2008
Article: 503171 of soc.culture.russian
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