The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

The Rushton Report

Right-wing Extremism in the Federal Republic Of Germany 1973-1995

A study and analysis of the rise of right-wing politics and attitudes in the FRG over two decades.

Reginald M. Rushton
June 1995


Table of Contents

5.0 Militant Groups

5.1 The Skinheads

The skinhead movement began in Britain in the late 1960s, in response to the homeless, hippies and the growing number of foreigners entering Britain from the Commonwealth. These original Skinheads or "Skins" meted out their violence at, or in the vicinity of, football matches and concerts. However, in 1977 a new breed of Skinhead came into existence. The dress code was the same as before: namely the closely cropped hair, tattoos, jeans, braces, Doc-Martens boots, bomber jackets, and T-shirts. This time, though, the "Skins" were much more politically active and developed and nurtured links with British right-wing parties. This new generation of Skinhead soon spread its ideas abroad, principally to the USA, Italy, Austria, France and also Germany.

Originally, the movement in Germany attacked left-winger and foreigners, principally Turks. In the mid-80s, the Skinhead movement in Germany expanded and violence at football matches increased. After unification, the "Skins" gained support in the former East-German states. In 1993 the Office for the Protection of the Constitution estimated there to be about 5,600 militant skinheads active in Germany, compared with 6,400 in 1992, the majority of whom were aged about 20. According to 1991 statistics, women (called Renees) accounted for only 3% of the movement (just over 150 people). These, incidentally, are not required to shave off all of their hair: only a bit at the back of the head.

Not all "Skins" fall into the category of right-wing extremists: some groups, such as the Red-Skins or SHARP-Skins (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice), even defend the rights of foreigners. In an interview published in The Guardian Education, a 24 year old Berliner and SHARP-member, Martin F., replied to the question "How should the State react to the racist attacks?":

"The problem is the people who cause the trouble, the radical right-wingers. But the parties that we have now will not solve this problem. When I hear that the right-wingers from Rostock are only in jail for two months it makes my skin creep. Such people should not be judged as criminals but as political criminals. Then the punishment would be more severe. The neo-Nazis will continue whilst they have no fear of stricter penalties."<26>

However, those groups which are right-wing are exceptionally so, with ingrained Machiavellian instincts. Such groups are the so-called "Nazi-Skins"; "Fascho-Skins"; "White-Power-Skins" or "Boneheads". In their propaganda, these groups use Nazi-symbols, such as the Swastika, and slogans, such as Sieg heil!. Propaganda is also spread in the lyrics of Skinhead music groups, such as Stoerkraft and Radikahl. The English band Skrewdriver is also popular in Germany. Their songs are passed around the Skinheads groups on "demo cassettes", because of the cost of producing them, although some of the better-known bands are able to have records and compact disks produced.

According to the 1993 report of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, many Skinheads are adopting a more traditional appearance to avoid retaliation from the foreigners themselves, left-wing extremists, the police and employers.

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5.2 Neo-Nazi Groups

According to the reports of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the membership of neo-Nazi groups stood at 400 in 1975, but rose to 1,400 in 1979. The numbers then declined until 1983, when there was slow increase in membership, peaking at 2,100 in 1989 and again in 1991. Such statistics reflect the banning of one group and the founding of another, attracting more members. The peaks in membership seem to be during periods when there were large numbers of neo-Nazi incidents: the 1979 peak was followed in August 1980 by a fire-bomb attack, which killed two Vietnamese and injured two Ethiopians and in September 1980 by the bomb at the Oktoberfest.

However, according to the Infiltration Report of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, the Government figures for membership of neo-Nazi groups are underestimated:

" 1. The Freiheitliche Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, run by notorious neo-Nazi Friedhelm Busse, is estimated by the Office for Protection of the Constitution at 150 members. Yet while ingratiating himself with Busse, Ron Furey [the investigator] was shown Busse's list - 980 members. Busse even claims he has thrown out another 150 for alcoholism.

2. While the government estimates that another group, the Nationale Offensive, has 100 members, Ron Furey found out that the Dresden area cell alone has 150.

3. Meinolf Schoenborn's "Nationalistic Front," which is also banned, is estimated at 130 members. Schoenborn claims an infrastructure of 8,600. Even if Schoenborn is overdoing it, it is apparent from information obtained through an interview between Ron Furey and Schoenborn that the 130 figure is overly conservative."<27>

The chairman of the recently banned neo-Nazi group the FAP, Friedhelm Busse, described by the Simon Wiesenthal Center's Report as someone with "particular power with German skinheads" and "an advocate of overthrowing the government"28, expressed the policy of his party at an extraordinary party conference in Reifenstein/Thueringen on 10th July 1993:

"The aim of the Party is to take total control over Germany. Should this happen, there will be no concentration camps, but work-camps, where the enemies of the German people, and above all foreigners, will carry out useful work. "Enemies" of the Party, such as police chiefs who have banned events of the FAP, or newspaper publishers, such as the publisher of "Bild", who stir up hatred against the right-wing parties and their take-over of power, can reckon on being shot."<29>

Such rhetoric is specifically engineered to be reminiscent of the Third Reich. The reference to work-camps instead of concentration camps is an exact copy of Nazi rhetoric: the NSDAP fooled the population as a whole into believing that there were no extermination camps. Therefore, it is clear that the policies of such a group advocate the use of Hitler's style of Machtpolitik, or power politics, as do other organisations, such as the Nationale Liste (NL). Similarly, they want the German borders of the Prussian Empire, as demonstrated recently by increased neo-Nazi activity in the Russian town of Kaliningrad, formerly the East-Prussian town of Koenigsberg. A publisher from Schleswig-Holstein is believed to be behind a neo-Nazi organisation calling itself Aktion Deutsches Koenigsberg.

The neo-Nazis have strong international connections with Historical Revisionists, as was proven during the Simon Wiesenthal Center's operation:

"1. The Center attached an answering machine to a cold line announcing to any potential caller that he or she had reached The (fictional magazine) Right Way. This was done to provide credibility to Ron Furey's cover should anyone decide to check up on his persona as a journalist.

On Friday, February 12, 1993, that phone rang - it was Mark Weber of the Institute for Historical Review, the notorious organization dedicated to the proposition that the gas chambers of Auschwitz are a myth. He had called to obtain a copy of The Right Way. Now, the only people who knew that number were Ron Furey, the Center's senior research staff, and the neo-Nazis in Germany to whom it had been given. Furthermore, several of these people claimed to know Weber quite well."<30>

Table of Contents

6.0 Historical Revisionism

This is a prolific school of thought which generates numerous articles denying the Holocaust. In 1976 Arthur Butz published his Revisionist work entitled The Hoax Of The Twentieth Century. This work, according to Wilkinson:

"... attempts to represent itself as a serious work of scholarship, complete with the academic apparatus of footnotes, bibliography, and references to respected historians of the Holocaust, such as Lucy Dawidowicz and Gerald Reitlinger."<31>

It marked the start of a new style of Historical Revisionism, a style taken up by others, such as David Irving in his book Hitler's War.

Perhaps the most infamous Revisionist article is the Leuchter Report of 1988, after its author, Fred A. Leuchter, although this report is considered by historians to be based upon little or no facts whatsoever. Indeed, Leuchter concedes that hydrocyanic compounds, caused by the extremely poisonous chemical hydrogen cyanide (HCN) reacting with the infrastructure of the gas chambers, were to be found at Auschwitz.

However, modern advances in communications have enabled the Revisionists, and indeed, the neo-Nazis, to spread their message to a wider audience. There is at least one discussion group on the Internet, where Revisionists try to peddle their ideas and beliefs, although these are frequently shattered by historians quoting hard facts.

One article recently published in the "alt.revisionism" newsgroup of the Internet is an article on "Revisionist Method", taken from Pierre Vidal-Naquet's book Assassins of Memory (Columbia University Press, 1992). It states that:

"The principles of revisionist method can in fact be summarized as follows:

1. Any direct testimony contributed by a Jew is either a lie or a fantasy.

2. Any testimony or document prior to the Liberation is a forgery or is not acknowledged or is treated as a "rumor." [...]

3. Any document, in general, with firsthand information concerning the methods of the Nazis is a forgery or has been tampered with. [...]

4. Any Nazi document bearing direct testimony is taken at face value if it is written in coded language, but unacknowledged (or underinterpreted) if it is written plainly. [...]

5. Any Nazi testimony after the end of the year--in trials either in the West, in Warsaw or Cologne, Jerusalem or Nuremberg, in 1945 or 1963, is considered as having been obtained under torture or by intimidation.....

6. A vast pseudotechnical arsenal is mobilized to demonstrate the material impossibility of mass gassings.....

7. Formerly, God's existence was proven by the notion that the existence was contained in the very concept of God. Such was the famous 'ontological proof.' It may be said that for the 'revisionists,' the gas chambers did not exist because nonexistence was one of their attributes. Such is the nonontological proof. [...]

8. Finally, anything capable of rendering this frightening story acceptable or believable, of establishing its evolution or furnishing terms for comparison is either unacknowledged or falsified. [...]

Point number seven in the above list is undoubtedly the most interesting, proffering a seemingly garbled argument for Revisionism. Whilst God may be acknowledged as a metaphysical being, it seems unlikely that this sort of reasoning, when applied to the existence of the gas chambers, will suddenly encourage people to accept Revisionist ideas.

Much Revisionist "information" is circulated via more conventional means through the Noontide Press, The Spotlight and other journals of the Institute for Historical Review (IHR), described by Ken McVay as "the moving force in the movement to deny the Holocaust".<32> This California-based organisation was founded by Lewis Brandon, alias William David McCalden, a founding member of the British National Party after breaking away from the National Front in 1975. Wilkinson says of the IHR:

"They go out of their way to sponsor works by neo-Nazis with bona fide academic degrees or some sort of formal position in higher education."<33>

After Brandon/McCalden had left the Institute, Willis Carto, the ultra-right-wing funder of the Institute, took over until being forced out in late 1994. The Simon Wiesenthal Center stated the following about Carto in its report on the infiltration of neo-Nazi groups in Germany:

"Willis Carto is the most influential professional antisemite in the United States. He is the founder of Liberty Lobby, the Institute for Historical Review, the Noontide Press (which distributes a wide range of racist and antisemitic titles), and the Populist Party, whose 1988 Presidential candidate was David Duke. Carto's name came up in nearly every conversation held between Ron Furey, S.W.C. researcher, Richard Eaton, and the neo-Nazis. Literature produced by the Carto organization is widely read by German's radical right. In addition, several of those interviewed know Mr. Carto personally."<34>

Table of Contents

7.0 Extremism in a European Context

Whilst the dynamic rise of right-wing extremism in Germany in the 1980s is peculiar to Germany, given the rise to power of the Third Reich in the 1930s, the entire movement must be set in the context of the resurgence in such extremism in Europe in general. In other countries, right-wing radical parties frequently gain significant results in elections, both European and domestic.

The Italian party Lega Nord gained 8.7% of the vote in the 1992 parliamentary elections and 8.4% in 1994. Before the 1994 elections, however, Umberto Bossi, the party's leader, entered the party into an alliance with Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia, which placed the Lega Nord in a strong position with almost twice the seats in parliament, when Forza Italia formed the government.

In France, the Front National has typically fared well in European elections, gaining 11.0% in 1984 and11.8% in 1989. Jean-Marie Le Pen, the party's leader, gained 14.4% of the votes cast in the 1988 presidential elections, whilst the party as a whole gained 9.7% of the parliamentary votes in the same year. Similarly, in the first round of the presidential elections on April 23rd 1995, Le Pen gained 15% of the votes cast.

The Austrian Freiheitliche Partei Oesterreichs has been continually successful at the polls, gaining 9.7% in the 1986 parliamentary elections and 16.6% in 1990, under the leadership of Joerg Haider. However, in the regional elections in Vienna in 1991, the party won 22.6% of the votes.

The Vlaams Blok party in Belgium, campaigning for a corruption-free government, is expected to make substantial gains at the elections on May 21st 1995. These elections have been brought forward by seven months, principally as a result of the corruption and scandal surrounding the "Cools Affair", following the murder of Andri Cools, the former deputy prime minister, and the subsequent resignation of the foreign minister, Frank Vandenbroucke, and which still threatens to bring down the Secretary-General of NATO and former finance minister, Willy Claes.<35>

When such results are compared with those of Die Republikaner, it can be seen that there is greater public support for right-wing extremist parties in the rest of Europe than that shown for the Republikaner. But still Germany receives greater international publicity for virtually any incident connected with the far-right, which almost certainly reflects the dramatic rise of the NSDAP in the 1920s, transformed from a marginal party into the largest in the Reichstag by 1933.

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8.0 Combatting the Extremists

In 1992 there were two major infiltrations of the right-wing extremist organisations in Germany by foreign organisations: the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Simon Wiesenthal Center (SWC). The SWC investigation was, oddly enough, carried out by an Israeli journalist, posing as an Australian, who gained the confidence of several neo-Nazi figures in Germany, before compiling a report, with the SWC, a copy of which was forwarded to the German authorities. The report states in its findings that:

"1. Germany has passed a series of laws over the years to prevent attempts at Nazi revivalism. These laws are not always enforced, however. In some cases, neo-Nazis have actually been tipped off in advance about impending police raids. [...]

2. Constantin Mayer leads the Dresden area cell of the "Nationale Offensive", a group that was recently banned by the government. Although Mayer says he is under constant surveillance, he says he has cordial relations with the police and conducts his business with them "with a wink and a nod."

3. Reisz's brother-in-law operates a video studio in Langen which produces Nazi propaganda. Yet the studio continues to operate.

4. One woman, a retired police inspector, was presented by Wolfgang Juchem to Ron Furey and Rick Eaton as an example of his support among respectable Germans.

5. One neo-Nazi leader, Meinolf Schoenborn, has been raided by the police on several occasions. They've obtained his computerized membership list - a phoney, prepared in advance from a local phone directory to confuse the authorities."<36>

The report also shows there to be errors with the official estimates of membership of these parties:

"1. The Freiheitliche Deutsche Arbeiterpartei [...] is estimated by the Office for Protection of the Constitution at 150 members. Yet while ingratiating himself with Busse, Ron Furey was shown Busse's list - 980 members. [...]

2. While the government estimates that another group, the Nationale Offensive, has 100 members, Ron Furey found out that the Dresden area cell alone has 150.

3. Meinolf Schoenborn's "Nationalistic Front," which is also banned, is estimated at 130 members. Schoenborn claims an infrastructure of 8,600. [...]"<37>

The authorities are able, given sufficient proof, to declare a party to be anti-constitutional under article 21, paragraph 2 of the Basic Law. This states that:

"(2) 1.Parties which, according to their aims or relationship of their supporters, are intent on interfering with or removing the free democratic basic order or threatening the continued existence of the Federal Republic of Germany, are anti-constitutional.

2.The decision of anti-constitutionalism lies with the Federal Constitutional Court."

Such an example of this is the recent ban imposed on the FAP. According to paragraph 33 (Ban of Replacement Organizations), article 1 of the Party Law:

"It is forbidden to form organizations (replacement organizations), which persue further anti-constitutional aims in place of a party banned under article 21, paragraph 2 of the Basic Law in conjunction with article 46 of the Law of the Constitutional Court, or to continue existing organizations as replacement organizations."

Any offending individuals are liable to forfeit certain Basic Rights, in accordance with article 18 of the Basic Law, although such motions have to be initiated by the Bundestag, the Federal Government or a regional government. The Office for the Protection of the Constitution is the official organization charged with monitoring the right-wing extremist groups, currently with a budget of over 200 million Marks. Geoffrey K. Roberts sees this office as "institutionalised wariness" in the light of the 1920s. It has set up three working parties to investigate the problems of right-wing extremism: a group on right-wing terrorism; a group for special measures for fighting right-wing extremism and the Information Group for the Observation and Combatting of Right-wing Extremist Violence. The Office for the Protection of the Constitution can either have a party banned or declared anti-constitutional, which prevents all members of that party from working in the civil service, which would otherwise allow individuals a platform to air their extremist views.

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9.0 Public Reaction

Perhaps the most obvious and most violent opposition to the right-wing extremists comes from the one diametrically opposed group: the left-wing extremists. The militant left-wingers have demonstrated against the right-wing extremists on numerous occasions, most notably after the 1992 rioting in Rostock, where the left-wingers were immediately arrested when they gathered to attack the right-extremists as they were attacking a home for asylum seekers. Organised around the theme Antifaschismus/Antirassismus, there are several localised groups which take on the right-wing. In 1993 the report of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution recorded 337 violent attacks on the far-right, compared with 390 in 1992.

The ordinary citizen has protested vociferously: after the rioting throughout Germany in 1992, the masses turned out to show their feelings on the subject in several town and cities across the country, but especially in those places where the rioting had occurred. In Berlin on November 8th 1992, the eve of the 54th anniversary of Reichskristallnacht, the Nazi purge of the Jews, 300,000 people, among them Federal President Richard von Weizsaecker, protested against right-wing violence in the Berliner Lustgarten, although the demonstration was later disrupted by anarchists.<38>

Table of Contents

10.0 Conclusion

Whilst it cannot be denied that right-wing extremism and right-wing violence have increased over the past decade, one must question the comments of some critics of Germany, that the Government has just "stood by and watched". It is a difficult and dangerous situation which has developed in Germany, and the utmost care needs to be exercised in dealing with it, in order to avoid an escalation of the violence and an increase in the number of subversive groups.

The problem with banning individual parties, as has been found in the past, is that it simply drives the activities of the banned group underground, or else, as with the ANS/NA, the members join a similarly oriented group, such as the FAP. Additionally, as Manfred Kanther, the Interior Minister, stated of Die Republikaner, to ban a party is merely to make martyrs of those in the party hierarchy. Thus, by not banning the parties, not only does the Government have a much clearer idea of each individual group and, hence, its membership, but it is also easier for it to monitor the practices of the groups and, to a certain extent, to control them.

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1.	Backes / Jesse; pp 297-298.
2.	Wilkinson; p. 99.
3.	Wilkinson; p. 111  and  Koenigseder, A.; Zur Chronologie
        des Rechtsextremismus; in Benz [ed.], 1994.
4.	Wilkinson; p. 172.
5.	Otto / Merten; p. 16.
6.	The Times, Saturday 25th February 1995.
7.	Betz; pp 55-64.
8.	ibid.; pp 59-60.
9.	Informationen zur politischen Bildung nr. 237: Auslaender;
        (Bonn, 1992); pp 22-23.
10.	Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland -
        Allgemeine Entwicklung; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz,
        Baden-Wuerttemberg, 1994; p. 24.
11.	Kommunalwahlprogramm der Partei DIE REPUBLIKANER zur
        Stadtratswahl 1994 in Mainz.
12.	ibid.; p.1.
13.	ibid.; p.2.
14.	Schoenhuber auf dem Bundesprogrammparteitag am 26. Juni
        1993 in Augsburg, in Der Republikaner 7/93; in Rechtsextremismus 
        in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland - Allgemeine Entwicklung; 
        Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz, Baden-Wuerttemberg, 1994; p. 26.
15.	Andreas Juhnke; The hydra-headed monster of Germany in
        New Statesman & Society; 4th December 1992; p. 13.
16.	Betz; p.136.
17.	Roberts; p. 331.
18.	German News; Fr. 03.03.95  19:00 MEZ.
19.	Roger Boyes; Far-right party saved from ban; in The
        Times, 15th April 1994; p. 12.
20.	Backes / Jesse; p. 107.
21.	Roberts; p. 335.
22.	Backes / Jesse; p. 296.
23.	Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 125.
24.	Niedersachsen-Spiegel - Deutsche Stimme fuer Niedersachsen. 
        3/93; p. 4; in Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 126.
25.	Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 130.
26.	The Guardian Education; 13th October 1992; p. 12.
27.	Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report; Findings, B
        - Estimates of neo-Nazi membership.
28.	Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report;
        Personalities - Busse, Friedhelm.
29.	Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 106.
30.	Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report; Findings, D - 
        International Links.
31.	Wilkinson; p. 97.
32.	McVay; Holocaust FAQ: Willis Carto & The Institute for
        Historical Review; 2.0 Background Information.
33.	Wilkinson; p. 97.
34.	Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report.
35.	The Sunday Times News Review, 26th March 1995.
36.	Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report; Findings, A
        - Enforcement of laws.
37.	as note 36.
38.	Time, November 23rd 1992; pp 42-44.

Table of Contents


Backes, Uwe / Jesse, Eckhard; Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland; (Bonn, 1993).

Benz, Wolfgang [ed.]; Rechtsradikalismus: Randerscheinung oder Renaissance?; (Frankfurt a.M., 1980).

Benz, Wolfgang [ed.]; Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland. Voraussetzungen, Zusammenhaenge, Wirkungen; (Frankfurt a.M., 1994).

Betz, Hans-Georg; Radical Right-wing Populism in Western Europe; (London, 1994).

Dudek, Peter / Jaschke, Hans-Gerd; Entstehung und Entwicklung des Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik; 2 Baender; (Opladen, 1984).

Heitmeyer, Wilhelm; Rechtsextremismus. Warum Handelt Menschen gegen ihre eigenen Interessen?; (Koeln, 1991).

Heinemann, Karl-Heinz / Schubarth, Wilfried [ed.]; Der antifaschistische Staat entlaesst seine Kinder: Jugend und Rechtsextremismus in Ostdeutschland; (Cologne, 1992).

Husbands, Christopher; The Other Face of 1992: The Extreme-Right Explosion in Western Europe; in Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, No.3, July 1992; pp 267-284.

Kowalsky, Wolfgang / Schroeder, Wolfgang [ed.]; Rechtsextremismus. Einfuehrung und Forschungsbilanz; (Opladen, 1994).

Leuchter, Fred; The Leuchter Report: The Forensic Examination of Auschwitz; (London, 1989).

McVay, Kenneth N.; Holocaust FAQ: Willis Carto & The Institute for Historical Review; (Canada, 1994). Usenet news.answers. Available via anonymous ftp from in pub/usenet/news.answers/holocaust/ihr/part01 and part02.

McVay, Kenneth N.; Holocaust FAQ: The Leuchter Report; (Canada, 1994).

Otto, Hans-Uwe / Merten, Roland [ed.]; Rechtsradikale Gewalt im vereinigten Deutschland. Jugend im gesellschaftlichen Umbruch; (Opladen, 1993).

Roberts, Geoffrey K.; Right-wing Radicalism in the New Germany; in Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, No.3, July 1992; pp 327-344.

Wilkinson, P.; The New Fascists; (London, 1981).

The Dignity Report, February 15, 1994; The Coalition for Human Dignity, P. O. Box 40344, Portland, Oregon 97240.

Grundgesetz mit [...] Parteiengesetz 1994; (Munich, 1994).

Fragen und Antworten zum Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland; Bundesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz (Bonn, 1993).

Links- und Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland -Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede- Ideologie, Ursachen, Erscheinungsformen; Bundesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz (Bonn, 1993).

Aktuelle Aspekte des Rechtsextremismus; Bundesministerium des Innern (Bonn, 1994).

Extremismus und Gewalt in drei Baender; Bundesministerium des Innern (Bonn, 1993-1994).

Extremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit. Band II; Bundesministerium des Innern (Bonn, 1992).

Verfassungsschutzbericht 1992; Bundesministerium des Innern (Bonn, 1993). Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; Bundesministerium des Innern (Bonn, 1994).

Rechtsextremistische Einfluesse auf die Skinhead-Subkultur. Entwicklung - aktuelle Lage - Einschaetzung - Fanzines - Skinmusik; Bayerisches Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz (Munich, 1993).

Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland - Allgemeine Entwicklung.; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz Baden-Wuerttemberg (Stuttgart, 1994).

DVU - Deutsche Volksunion: Organisation - Ziele - Perspektiven; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz Baden-Wuerttemberg (Stuttgart, 1992).

Skinheads; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz Rheinland-Pfalz (Mainz, 1994).

Rechtsextremismus; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz Rheinland-Pfalz (Mainz, 1994).

New Statesman & Society; 4th December 1992; p.12ff.

The European; 24th-27th June 1993; pp.8-9.

Time, 23rd November 1992; pp 42-44.

Table of Contents


German News Service ( for the some of the more recent information.

Reuters News Service.

Times Newspapers Ltd.

United Press International.

The original plaintext version of this file is available via ftp.

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