The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

The Heritage Front Affair
Report to the Solicitor General of Canada
Security Intelligence Review Committee
December 9, 1994

III. Alleged White Supremacist Informant

3.1 Background

3.1.1 Counter-Intelligence Work

The Source first came to the attention of CSIS through his contact with diplomats from a foreign country in 1986. On January 29, 1986, CSIS learned that a diplomat from a foreign country had been in contact with two people "who were in a position to-provide information of interest to that conntry."

The Source's employer had been passing low level tidbits of information to the country's Vice-Consul in Toronto for the past three years without remuneration. The employer had developed a contact who was involved in the opposition community in Toronto.

The Toronto Consulate official referred the Source and his employer to an Intelligence Officer who was posted to the Embassy in Ottawa. The foreign Intelligence Officer "assessed the Source's claims as being valid" and he "wanted to develop the Source into an access agent into the Toronto" movement.

A Security Officer for the foreign country's Embassy met with the Source and his associate and said the Embassy needed a security firm to advise on security devices. The Security Officer also asked the Source to register him (the Officer) for university sessions on terrorism and videotape any opposition demonstrations. The Toronto Region Investigator recognized that the firm wanted the security contract despite the advice from CSIS that they back out of the relationship.

CSIS approached the Source on March 6, 1986 following his meeting with the foreign government diplomat and he agreed to cooperate with the Service. The Source explained to the Toronto Region Investigator that he had a "contact" with access to those Toronto groups which opposed the foreign government.

The foreign government representatives were developing the Source as an agent when the Department of External Affairs, on August 20, 1986, expelled one diplomat as "persona non grata" and did not permit the second to return to Canada on the same basis. The next month, the First Secretary at the Embassy renewed contact with the Source to continue to develop him as an access agent. Despite this contact, it appeared that the foreign Government lost interest in the Source. CSIS HQ suspected that a friend of the Source may have been an asset of the embassy and informed them that the Source was responsible for the "persona non grata" actions.

3.1.2 The White Supremacist Assignment

In February 1987, the Source was re-directed to another target.

One factor which aided the decision to re-direct the Source was the fact that he was acquainted with an individual who worked with a right wing extremist. After the Source was introduced to the individual in February 1987, he contacted the CSIS handler "and provided unsolicited information about Aryan Nations involvement (and) indicated that he would be willing to infiltrate the right wing on behalf of CSIS."

When the Source met a CSIS Investigator from Toronto Region on February 26, 1987, the CSIS mandate on right wing targets was explained to him. "He was also instructed that he could not break the law, regardless of how petty an offense might seem (e.g. spray painting right wing slogans or signs)."

3.1.3 Problems Develop

The Source offered to recruit his friend, a former police officer. The Investigator told the Source to keep the association with CSIS confidential. On March 5, 1987, a police force contacted Toronto Region and said that their informant received an offer by the Source to be introduced to a member of CSIS.

After the first disclosure, the Source denied informing anyone of the CSIS association and was informed "in no uncertain terms that his relationship with CSIS must remain entirely confidential for his own protection." The Investigator was uncertain if the police source was told about CSIS by the Source or took an "educated guess".

At CSIS HQ, in April 1987, a Unit Head stated that "this file is starting to smell a little funny" as he didn't like the way the Source and his friend may have teamed-up. But as the Service's relationship with the police was excellent and the source was under development, the operation would continue under "tight control."

Toronto Region Managers concluded that the source operation was "not seriously undermined" and they hoped that "rigid control and direction will prevent any further breaches of security by this source." CSIS Headquarters supported the continued development of the Source with certain reservations, among them: "The source appears to be somewhat overzealous, which may have compromised his confidentiality. Security precautions should be reinforced and his progression in this field should be carefully monitored and directed."

On June 11, 1987 the Toronto Region Investigator met with a police representative. CSIS was told that a police source was again advised by the Source that he was "currently working for the CSIS in a long-range operation."

CSIS HQ suggested and Toronto Region complied with the recommendation that the Source be told that the Service's priorities had changed and that it was no longer interested in his assistance. Contact with the Source ceased at that point.

3.2 The Radical Right

3.2.1 The New Beginning

The Source next contacted the Toronto Region office over a year later on November 4, 1988. He had met an individual with close contacts in the extremist milieu. The Source felt that he should contact Toronto Region to apprise them of the situation.

The Source told an Investigator that he had no personal interest in the radical right. He was told by the Toronto Investigator to notify him of any contacts with extremists.

In view of the Source's past indiscretions to the police source, the Investigator offered no encouragement to the Source who, nevertheless said he would "identify as many of the individual cell members as possible."

The Region worried about growing recruitment activities, particularly among Skinheads. The Region's investigators thought that the violent right-wing philosophy of the Identity Movement provided an excellent vent for the frustration expressed by the 'Skinheads' and that they may, by fortunate happenstance, have identified an acceleration of the violent activities of the rightwing movement in Toronto in its embryonic stage.

The Region was not prepared to "let this developmental situation go unmonitored" and the Source was "clearly the best equipped to keep us abreast of developments."

3.2.2 The Old Problem

On December 12, 1988 the Intelligence Branch of a second police force contacted Toronto Region to advise that during the course of a criminal investigation, a police source reported that the Source claimed to have CSIS contacts.

The Regional Investigator commented that directional control had not been a problem with this individual since he always ran any ideas past the investigator prior to implementing them and was receptive when advised not to proceed with a given plan. The Source was said to be an outgoing gregarious individual who was easy to get along with, and a positive relationship existed between him and the investigator.

In May 1989, the Source reported that a Nationalist Party leader attended a party at Alan Overfield's house. Overfield was to become a prominent figure two years later when he linked the Heritage Front to the Reform Party.[1]

3.2.3 Infiltration of the Right Wing

In the fall of 1988, the Source was invited to the residence of Don Andrews, the leader of the Nationalist Party of Canada. Seeing him for the first time, Andrews was precisely what the Source had expected: he was obviously a radical; he acted as a cult-like figure.

Seated around Andrews' table with him at the weekly gathering were five people who had jobs. The rest of those present stood around the table; numbering about 10 people, Andrews called them his "Androids"[2]: unemployed persons who lived in Andrews' rooming houses. We were told that Andrews took the cheques they received, subtracted the rent and other expenses, and gave them the rest of their money, making a big production at his meetings of having them come up and get their money from him. Among other behaviours, Andrews berated his people for not remembering certain acronyms, such as OMS (one man show), during the tests that he administered.[3] Among others in Andrews' coterie was David Maxwell French. He used to spend his money on articles, especially uniforms, that belonged to dead Nazis. Souvenirs of Nazis who were still alive were not acceptable. Consequently, within the extremist movement, French had the nickname, the Necro-Nazi".[4] French said he never heard the term "Necro-Nazi".

Like a "floating crap game", people gravitated from hate literature[5] publisher Ernst Zundel to high school teacher Paul Fromm to Don Andrews and back over time.[6]

A significant event took place in April, 1989. Don Andrews conducted a special meeting. His "Androids" were invited to his mansion. The people present were introduced to a friend who had been in Toronto for just a few days: Wolfgang Walter Droege.

Droege had been released from Lompoc Prison in the United States on April 21, 1989 four years after his conviction on drugs, weapons and illegal entry charges. He went to Toronto where he wanted to obtain money to establish himself before he moved on to join his girlfriend in another province.

Droege was considered to be the senior statesman of the extreme right movement and, as a privilege, he sat at the table in Andrews' house. Droege had arrived in Canada with nothing, and so a considerable number of people helped him by providing accommodation, food, and shelter. Droege fairly quickly went to work as a part-time bailiff for Alan Overfield, a long time friend and one-time associate of the Nationalist Party.

In July 1989 the Source reported that " Droege has mentioned an interest in starting a group called 'Society for the Preservation of the White Races (SPWR)" and the Source opined that "any group set up by Droege would almost certainly be action oriented." CSIS told its Source to monitor the situation.

The next month, in August 1989, CSIS learned from the Source that Droege had further developed his concept of a group separate from the NPC. The name had changed to the "White Heritage Foundation" (WHF). Droege described the proposed WHF as "a group of dedicated white nationalists whose interest it would be to force the government to include their (WEF) mandate in the government agenda. The WHF would also act as a lobby group to protect the rights of white people." This would be the public side of WHF.

The WHF would also have a covert side to it. One of the covert activities would be to set up an all white enclave. The WHF, under Droege's direction would target a specific county or area and then use "whatever persuasive methods or inducements necessary to convince non-whites to leave the area."

But within the covert side would be still another level, an inner clique to be known to a select few as the "Brethren". It would be this group which would actually "control all aspects of the WHF." This clique was to be unknown to regular WHF members. Two other defecting members of the Nationalist Party of Canada, Gerald Lincoln and Grant Bristow, were being considered by Droege for positions in this group.

Rumours were circulating in the NPC that another member and Grant Bristow were "RCMP 'snitches'" and so Andrews suggested that Droege should take Bristow around to meet people so that Droege could then vouch for him.

3.3 Trip to Libya - Founding the Heritage Front

3.3.1 The Start

The Source was among a group of seventeen people invited by Andrews to travel to Tripoli to attend the 20th Anniversary Celebration of the Libyan Revolution, from August 26, 1989 to September 4, 1989. Don Andrews claimed that he could not go himself because he was involved in a Court case and could not leave Ontario.

The Source believed that most people were chosen because they wouid not embarrass Andrews and his Party. Those who owned luggage were also favoured. Another criterion was money. There was to be a stopover in Rome for a plane change and Andrews wanted people who had enough money to pay for their own accommodation there.' Andrews paid for most of the rest of the trip by using money advanced by Libya; this was likely arranged through a Libyan agent.

The "anointed deputies" in the Andrews group were Nicola Polinuk, June and Max French, Wayne Elliot, and Anne Ladas who was in charge of the delegation having been to Libya previously.[8]

The travel itinerary called for a plane change in Rome on the way to Libya and a one day stop there on the way back. The 17 representatives of the Nationalist Party of Canada shared accommodation.[9]

In Rome, on the way to Libya, the group would await their flight for a couple of hours. Asked to present passports in Rome, most of the NPC group experienced no problems. Wolfgang Droege, however, was pushed to the side along with James Dawson, Max French and June French. These four people were on the same ticket and the Rome anti-terrorist squad wanted to interview Droege and possibly dissuade him and the others from going to Libya. An Italian agent was reported as saying: "its too hot in Libya" and Max French said: "we'll put on shorts". Droege then told Max to "shut your mouth."[10]

3.3.2 Malta to Tripoli

The NPC group flew from Rome to Malta. There they were placed on a boat later described by the group as a "converted prison ship" which went from Malta to Libya. Gerry Lincoln, James Dawson, Wolfgang Droege, and Grant Bristow roomed together in what was called a "bottom-dungeon". The right wing racists had to be separated from the left wing anti-fascists for the former's protection.[11] After the ship docked, the NPC group were not allowed to disembark and only after several days of complaining were they allowed to reside in Camp Kadhafi some miles from Tripoli.

At the Camp, the Nationalist Party group was told that there would be a parade in a stadium; anyone who participated had to wear Muammar Kadhafi's green uniforms. If her group complied, Anne Ladas would get to sit near Kadhafi. Max French, always preoccupied with wearing uniforms, desperately wanted to wear one in the parade.

Droege, and the others were told of the plan to wear uniforms and march in the parade. Droege stood up and said he would not do it. At first, it was sixteen to one against him. However, the Source did not want to be videotaped in a Libyan uniform and so he stood up and supported Droege. Ladas then said she would tell the Libyans and they would give the Source and Droege a hard time.

These words stimulated a groundswell of support from those who agreed with the two dissidents, including Lincoln and Dawson.[12]

Max French called the two dissidents every imaginable name and was most disappointed with the decision, but he eventually received his uniform. [13] French denies this account.

Droege had defied the Party line and created a division between himself and Andrews. Droege told the Source that he had realized that Kadhafi's government supported the African National Congress which was killing whites in South Africa. This made the regime anathema to him, from a racist ideology point of view.[14]

3.3.3 Landing in Chicago

On the return flight from Rome, some members of the delegation examined their tickets and saw that the return route was: Rome-Chicago-Toronto. When Anne Ladas was asked about this, she was reported to have said that the Chicago stop only involved waiting in the international transit lounge. Droege was not allowed to enter the United States as a condition of his release from prison there. He had served four and a half years of a thirteen year sentence and he was prohibited from re-entering the United States for five years.[15]

On the airplane to Chicago, Droege sat beside Grant Bristow rather than James Dawson who was a very large person. The stewardess handed out the customs declarations and it was evident that Droege and his group would formally enter the United States. Droege asked "what are we going to do" and Bristow responded,"we'll probably get arrested".[16]

Droege protested to the Alitalia staff on the plane. He told Bristow to instruct the others to clear Customs and Immigration and then call Andrews when they landed. Droege wondered whether Andrews had conspired to have him arrested, given the routing. Droege could have been reincarcerated for another nine years in jail if things had gone badly for him.[17]

Droege wanted to stay on the plane and fly back to Rome, but the aircraft Captain told him either to get off or be charged with piracy. [18] The NPC members were arrested and some received threats from US officers. They were strip-searched and had their body cavities probed for contraband.[19]

The entire group, including the Source, were detained by US Customs for several hours and subjected to interviews. The Nationalist Party of Canada people, except Droege, were then allowed to go through passport control and clear Immigration. [20]

Anne Ladas and Nicola Polinuk telephoned Don Andrews who instructed them to come back to Canada. Andrews told Bristow to retain a lawyer for Droege while the rest of the group returned to Toronto as soon as permitted.

Andrews then spoke again to Ladas and Polinuk. They left for a short time and then returned with $1,000 which they gave to Bristow for Droege. The funds were Libya's gift to the Nationalist Party of Canada. Lincoln, Dawson and the rest of the group contributed $250 to pay for a hotel for Bristow. A member of the group called the Canadian Consulate to inform them of Droege's arrest.[21]

Following Andrews' instructions, Bristow contacted a lawyer for Droege in Chicago. He then contacted a representative of the Canadian Consulate. The diplomat informed Bristow there was no point in waiting around and he could return to Canada. Bristow took the advice. [22]

Prior to Bristow's departure, he gave the lawyer $1,000 as a retainer, and a list with the names of the Alitalia Airline employees who were present when Droege made his protest. The German lawyer who began the case was not available when Droege was to appear in Court. A Jewish lawyer from the same legal firm represented him. Droege was quite "seized up" when it happened, but would laugh about it later with his Heritage Front associates.[23]

The lawyer told Droege that for an extra $2,000, he could get Droege out immediately. Otherwise, he would languish in prison for some time before release. Droege was freed after forty-eight hours.

3.3.4 The Return

Droege was released and driven to Niagara Falls by the American authorities at night. At the border, he took a bus which arrived at 6:00 in the morning in Toronto. Droege called Don Andrews to inform him of his arrival and Andrews invited Droege to come over for breakfast. [24]

When he arrived, Droege found a policeman with Andrews. The officer told Droege that Andrews had nothing to do with the arrest and placed the blame on an Andrews "Schlep." This person, it was said, had tried to make a deal that if he were given a passport, he would be the eyes and ears of the OPP for what happened in Libya. The OPP did not accept the offer.[25]

Tensions were high in the NPC after the trip to Libya, particularly among those who had gone there. The entire group had worried about being attacked in Libya, they were arrested in Chicago and they were subjected to humiliating interviews and body cavity searches; people were generally tired and fed up.

James Dawson was turned back in a subsequent attempt to enter the USA and the Source reported that all who went to Libya felt that they too were on the Watch list. Several in the group (Dawson, Lincoln, Wayne and Donna Elliot) were thinking of breaking with the Nationalist Party and "throwing their support behind Droege."

The general consensus was that Don Andrews actions and, in particular, the Libyan trip, did the most to cause people to leave the Nationalist Party of Canada.

3.3.5 The Founding

On September 25, 1989 the Heritage Front was formed by Wolfgang Droege at a meeting attended by Gerald Lincoln, Grant Bristow and James Dawson. These people were foils to Droege, according to the sources we contacted. Gerry Lincoln would be the president while Droege and Bristow would work "behind the scenes as 'silent' executives."

Wolfgang Droege, under oath, told the Review Committee that:

"I already had this idea for a number of years myself, but I said to them basically, 'Fine, but I'm not going to be the one who is going to do all the work. If I have the support of others, I am willing to form an organization, and if I don't, I'm not going to do it myself.' So, especially Gerry Lincoln and Grant Bristow assured me that they would be totally supportive if I were to start an organization". [26]

The precipitating event was the trip to Libya, Droege stated that the Nationalist Party people challenged him and "So, that is what then really led me to say, 'When we get back, we will start an organization' ... and some time in October of 1989 that's when I said, 'Okay, let's do it.'[27]"

Droege said that he suggested the name for the Heritage Front and "I was the one who most people tended to follow because most people felt I had put myself on the line a number of times."[28] He also said that even if Bristow and Lincoln had not supported the idea of the Front at that time, "I felt eventually it would happen because I totally disagreed with Mr. Andrews' positions or his views."[29] As the person with the most contacts in the extreme right he said that "I wanted to go to these people and say, 'Okay, the intention is to form an organization which is to be national rather than just regional, an organization which an average Canadian can identify with."[30]

James Dawson registered the Heritage Front on October 2, 1989. During that week, Droege held a meeting with Lincoln, Jim Dawson and Bristow where he said the HF will have a "KosherConservative" line publicly but will use the group to "clandestinely forward the white supremacist movement." Lincoln said there was no clandestine agenda.

In CSIS' Toronto Region, the Acting Regional Director General confirmed the tasking of a source against Droege on October 4, 1989 for six months. Droege became a Level 2 target on that date. The handling of the Source was reassigned to a more senior Investigator on October 3, 1989.

The original concept for the Front, as defined by Droege, was that there would be two "wings": a political wing and a military or direct action wing. The political wing would be made up of people who were not suitable for activist work; that is to say, they would engage in political propaganda work. The people in the military wing would work at demonstrations and they would distribute leaflets. We learned that Droege also formed the October 2nd Committee, "an active measures commando unit to be run by him and to use selected skinheads."

To distance the new Heritage Front from the NPC, Lincoln would publish a newsletter, based on USA material with "no hate material, just pro-white."

The Heritage Front was to have, in theory, four levels: the first would be "the Brethren": Droege, Lincoln, and Bristow. The second would comprise the Executive Council: James Dawson, the Brethren and rising stars in the HF. The third would be the HF membership and the last level would comprise supporters and subscribers to the new newsletter.

We learned that Droege intended to unite under the Heritage Front those persons in Canada who were associated with The Order, the Ku Klux Klan and the Aryan Nations. The Front would be the primary vehicle for "furthering the white supremacist movement in Canada", Droege was going to contact white supremacists in the United States to get their mailing lists of Canadian supporters. Droege's plan was not only to unite the white supremacists under the Heritage Front banner. When that was accomplished, Droege wanted to buy land in the Peterborough area, control the town council and try to legislate racist views into the by-laws.

Droege wanted the Heritage Front to be a more focused version of The Order in the United States. The group would attack armoured cars and black drug dealers for funds. The Front, according to the Source, would not target minorities but rather, it would use selective violence against "race-traitors": those Christian whites who disagreed with white supremacist views. [31]

Droege hoped to get cash from the Libyans in return for information on Jewish groups in Canada. To this end, Droege asked Bristow to accompany him to Montreal to learn which Libyan officials he should contact in Canada. Droege hoped to obtain major funding from the Libyans.

Droege decided to include the other people assisting him as equals: Dawson registered the Heritage Front and all four would pay for its start up: Droege paid one half and Lincoln and Bristow each paid a remaining quarter of the start up costs. These comprised a $50 registration fee, letterhead stationary and several other expenses for a total of approximately $300 to $350. There was no office and no staff to pay. [32] The Up Front magazine would cost $1,000 an issue to print but it would come out only in 1991. A description of financial issues is provided in chapter VI.

Droege needed people to take action on his ideas and someone to put these ideas on paper: he used Lincoln for that purpose. By October 2, 1989, Gerry Lincoln was writing all the materials and all the propaganda. In addition to propaganda, the Source reported that Lincoln later gave large amounts of his money to pay for the publication of Up Front Magazine, the Heritage Front's major propaganda outlet and, eventually, "cash cow". [33] Lincoln said he did not provide a great deal of money for the magazine.

In regard to the 'active measures' cell called the 'October 2nd Committee', the Source was initially tasked to be a member and assist in this cell's training and operations. The Source was able to decline the offer, indicating to Droege that it was not his style. The Source had been instructed by the CSIS Investigator "to remove himself from any potentially criminal endeavour being planned by the HF or its commando cell."

Droege generated some ideas for making money to pay for the Heritage Front.[34] Among them were "taking down" drug dealers to get the money. The Source raised the problem of their having guns, and used other arguments to try to dissuade Droege from pursuing this and like ideas.[35]

Droege made Grant Bristow his assistant because he could "take the heat". [36] In 1989 and afterwards, there were two security chiefs in the Heritage Front: Eric Fischer and Grant Bristow. Bristow had floating responsibilities as Droege had various visions of what he wanted to happen. Grant Bristow was also appointed as an office manager (of sorts) to supervise the administrative requirements of the HF.

Mainly, however, Bristow was there to help Droege find cars for his bailiff duties. Droege was working for Al Overfield, repossessing cars. But before they were repossessed, they had to be found. Bristow was good at locating cars.

Droege said that Bristow was important to him because Grant "showed him the ropes" after he (Droege) began working for Accurate Bailiff Services run by Al Overfield. For this initial help, Droege owed Bristow a lot, and a strong friendship developed. He continued, in part, to shield Bristow from attacks by other members, who often alleged that he was an informant, because of this initial friendship. [37]

3.3.6 CSIS Knowledge

Toronto Region reported to CSIS HQ on October 10, 1989 that Droege was founding the Heritage Front based on the September 26, 1989 meeting.

CSIS continued to have considerable concern about the Source's association with Droege: "in view of Droege's background, source should be advised to avoid any involvement in illegal activities". Nevertheless, the Source was instructed to report on him.

The Service stated that due to Droege's record of criminal activity and his stated intention to conduct robberies in order to gain funding for the HF, a brief on their interest in his activities would be provided to the RCMP[38] HQ said that ...Toronto Region's cooperation and judgement would be relied upon to ensure that the Source's association with Droege did not become a matter of police responsibility.

The Service watched the development of the HF with great interest. The Source and Droege attended the Northern Foundation Conference where the former's presence "was beneficial in allowing the Service to monitor Droege's launching of the HF."

As 1990 began, the Source was targeted against Wolfgang Droege by virtue of his increasingly lead role in the white supremacist movement in Canada. The Service acknowledged that Droege had included the Source in the top level of his new organization and continued to trust the source and utilize his talents in an effort to further his political aspirations; others were added later.

The fundamental reason that CSIS kept the Source targeted against Wolfgang Droege was to give the Service time to assess the greatest threat and adjust accordingly. Their main concern was that if Droege becomes the leading Aryan movement personality in Canada his organization would be harder to penetrate due to his past experience and security consciousness. If this scenario were to materialize they would be fortunate to have a source in on the ground floor.


1. In the 1970's Alan Overfield had been an active member of the rightwing Edmund Burke Society and the violence prone Western Guard Party. During 1972, Overfield was one of the Western Guard members who received firearms training at a camp north of Kaladar, Ontario. In the 1980's Overfield became associated with the Nationalist Party of Canada. Mr. Overfield denies being prone to violence. 2. SIRC interview of source. 3. SIRC interview of Source 4. SIRC interview of Source. 5. Mr. Zundel indicated that he published "truth literature", not "hate literature", and that he has never been convicted of publishing hate literature. 6. SIRC interview of Source. 7. SIRC interview with Source. 8. SIRC interview with Source. 9. SIRC interview with Source. 10. SIRC interview with Source. 11. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 12. SIRC interview with Source 13. SIRC interview with Source. 14. SIRC interview with Source. 15. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 16. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 17. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 18. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 19. SIRC interview with Source. 20. SIRC interview with Source. 21. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 22. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 23. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow 24. SIRC interview with Source. 25. SIRC interview with Source. 26. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 27. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 28. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 29. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege 30. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 31. Mr Droege does not agree with the expression "more focused". He says that he learned from the mistakes of the Order and stated that that was not a way of successfully promoting the ideas of the Heritage Front. He denies all that is said in the paragraph. 32. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow. 33. SIRC interview of Source 34. SIRC interview of Source. 35. Mr Droege denies promoting robberies to fund the Heritage Front. 36. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 37. SIRC interview with Wolfgang Droege. 38. Mr. Droege denies promoting robberies to fund the Heritage Front.

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