Lines: 136
Archive/File: holocaust/germany/nuremberg partisan.001
Last-Modified: 1994/03/20
"On September 16, Keitel, at Hitler's behest, followed up by issuing
the 'Partisan Order':
'Since the beginning of the campaign against Russia Communist
insurrections have broken out in all the areas occupied by
Germany. It can be seen that this is a mass movement centrally
directed by Moscow. In view of the considerable political and
economic tensions in the occupied areas, it must moreover be
anticipated that nationalists and other circles will take full
opportunity to cause difficulties for the German occupation
forces by joining the Communist uprising. In this way, an
increasing danger to the German conduct of the war is
developing.
'The measures taken so far to meet the general Communist
insurrection movement have proved inadequate. The Fuhrer has
now given orders that we must take action everywhere with the
most drastic means in order to crush the movement.
'Every case of rebellion against the German occupation forces,
re- gardless of circumstances, must be concluded to be of
Communistic origin. In order to suppress these machinations
from the beginning, the strongest means have to be employed....
As atonement for the life of one German soldier, the death
penalty for fifty to one hundred Communists is generally
considered as proper.' (NCA, 389 PS, Directive on Communist
Insurgents in the Occupied Areas.)
The difficulties with the Partisan Order, beyond its terrible
implications of massive and indiscriminate retaliation, was that,
like the Commissar Order, [Request holocaust/germany/nuremberg
commissar.001. knm] it was impractical. Communists were
almost as difficult to identify as commissars; and, even if most of
them should be uncovered, their numbers would be exhausted rather
quickly at the rate of fifty or one hundred for each German.
Substitutes would have to be found. Since the decree stated that
'a clever campaign of propaganda' should emphasize that these
'strict measures free the native population from these Communistic
criminals and are thus to their own advantage,' (Ibid.) the
substitutes would have to be people with whom the inhabitants did
not identify.
On September 19, three days after the issuance of the Partisan
Order, Kiev, with a population of 850,000, fell. Unbeknown to the
Germans, the Red Army had planted more than ten thousand mines in
the city. Every major building and strategic location was
implanted with the wireless-controlled explosives linked to the
electrical system.
Five days later, on September 24, the Soviet engineers, having
given the Germans time to settle in, began pressing the buttons.
The two major hotels, the central post office, the radio station,
the telegraph office -- all came crashing down upon the heads of the
invaders. Many of the burning buildings exploded like giant
firecrackers, showering all those in the vicinity with flaming
shards. By the time the fire was controlled on September 29,
approximately one thousand Germans (as well as countless
inhabitants) had been killed, and three-fourths of a square mile of
the downtown area lay devastated. The Germans were so shaken that,
for fear of further explosions, they did not restore power in the
city for weeks thereafter. (IMT, vol. 15, p. 329; Int. of
Keitel by Maj. Gen. Alexandrov, Nov. 9, 1945.)
There was, of course, no question that the occurrence had not been
the result of partisan activity. The Soviets had merely turned
Kiev into the biggest and most sophisticated booby trap in history,
and the Germans had fallen into it like klutzes. But Field Marshal
Walther von Reichenau, the ardent Nazi general commanding the area,
was in need of scapegoats. Applying the Partisan Order, he could
shoot at least fifty thousand Communists. Of course, there was no
way of identifying fifty thousand Communists, or even a fraction of
that number. The only segregatable group approaching such a
multitude and included on Hitler's list of 'enemies' were the Jews.
On September 29, the same day the fire was controlled, placards
went up ordering the 170,000 Jews of Kiev to report immediately for
'resettlement.' Those that failed to do so, the notices warned,
would be subject to severe penalties. Approximately one-fifth of
the Jews responded. They were marched to the Jewish cemetery,
abutting the Babi Yar ravine, within earshot of the center of the
city. For two days and nights rifle and machinegun fire crackled
uninterruptedly. Before it ceased, nearly 34,000 men, women, and
children lay sprawled in the ravine -- the greatest single slaughter
of the war. (Reitlinger, The House Built on Sand, 111)
According to the report of a German captain, 'The population took
the execution calmly, many with satisfaction. The newly vacated
homes of the Jews were turned over for relief of the housing
shortage.' (NCA, 053 PS, Report No. 10 of Capt. Girus Koch, Oct.
5, 1941.)
Obviously, the extermination at Babi Yar was no secret. Stories
and rumors spread through much of the Ukraine, and created such a
sense of bewilderment in the German army that ten days later
Reichenau issued an explanatory order designed to excise the
troops' unease:
'The soldier must have full understanding for the necessity of a
severe but just revenge on subhuman Jewry. The army has to aim
at another purpose, that is the annihilation of revolts in
hinterlands, which, as experience proves, have always been
caused by Jews. The most essential aim of the war against the
Jewish-Bolshevistic system is a complete destruction of their
means of power and the elimination of Asiatic influence from
European culture. In this connection the troops are facing
tasks which exceed the one-sided routine of soldiery. The
soldier in the Eastern Territories is not merely a fighter
according to the rules of war, but also a bearer of ruthless
national ideology and the avenger of bestialities which have
been inflicted upon Germany and racially related nations. This
is the only way to fulfill our historic task to liberate the
German people once and forever from the Asiatic-Jewish danger.'
(NCA, D 411, Commander of Troops in the Eastern Territories,
Oct. 10, 1941.)" (Conot, 224-226)
Work Cited
Conot, Robert E. Justice at Nuremberg. New York: Harper & Row,
1983
Reitlingler, Gerald. The House Built on Sand. New York: Viking
Press, 1960
Abbreviations
IMT. International Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War
Criminals; the published transcipts of the trial.
NCA. Nazi Conspiracy and Aggession, the 10-volume compendium of
the prosecution's agruments.
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