Archive/File: people/i/irving.david/libel.suit/transcripts/day017.19
Last-Modified: 2000/07/20
Q. It clearly is an exaggeration, but you left it out because
of space reasons, or was there some other reason why it
got left out?
A. It was not a matter of left out, it is a decision of
putting something in. I had said in the original working
draft that there were many exaggerations and I felt we had
better be specific about what they were.
Q. Then over the page, my Lord, page 51 of the new version,
with bold face on the third line, you say: "Approximately
750 Jews were driven into each of four gas chambers,
measuring 5 metres by 5 metres each." Is that a
. P-168
reasonable kind of estimate of the number of people? Why
did you leave out the phrase "measuring by 5 by 5 metres
each or apiece"?
A. As I said, it was question of putting it in when I felt
I had to be more specific about what I meant in terms of
Gerstein's exaggerations.
Q. Would it be perverse to believe that, if that measurement,
the dimensions had been left in, that would have
tended to
undermine the credibility of that sentence?
A. Well, given that later I have 200 Jews per gas chamber
and
in another the 750 figure was already considerably out
of
line with other stuff that I put, I make clear in this
from beginning to end that there are exaggerations and
that Gerstein does exaggerate.
Q. But he does not exaggerate just on an amateur scale,
does
he? He exaggerates on a Munchhausen scale.
A. There are some extraordinary exaggerations, yes.
Q. Can I draw your attention to the next paragraph,
5.4.1.4?
This is one you left in, I believe?
A. This was there.
Q. "The following day Gerstein drove to Treblinka where
the
gassing facilities were larger and he saw, you quote,
veritable mounds of clothing and underwear 115 to 130
feet
high".
A. Yes, which I would suggest was that I was putting in
already in the first draft considerable materials that
. P-169
were demonstrating my conclusion that much of his
report
was exaggerated. I added further material. Certainly
in
the working draft there was no attempt to hide that
fact.
Q. But would you agree ----
A. You suggest that there was some sort of cover up or
sinister attempt to sanitize Gerstein, I do not think
that
is borne out by looking at either first and second
draft.
Q. I am not trying to suggest that you tried to cover up
or
sanitize, but merely to make passages you wanted to
rely
on seem more plausible. I put it to you that, if you
had
left these passages in, it would have totally
demolished
the veracity of this witness, and no responsible
historian
would have dreamed of using Gerstein as a source.
A. They are in, and I use him, and others have used him,
and
we use him with caution.
Q. They are in now, of course, because you subsequently
amended your report to include them.
A. Well, "amend" is not the right word. As I have said,
it
was a mistake by Mishcon de Reya to have turned over
what
was not the final draft.
Q. In other words, in your first draft?
A. Do you write one book in one sitting, or do you revise
things as you go, and do you reflect about what you
are
writing? I have things in a number of drafts.
Q. I quote Mr Rampton and say you are not allowed to ask
me
questions. I am the one who asks the questions.
. P-170
A. Then let me phrase it this way. I write in many
drafts.
I would expect any careful author would write a number
of
drafts, the second and third drafts would not be
identical, or one would not write numerous drafts.
Q. Out of your own mouth, Professor, you are condemning
yourself. That implies that in your first draft you
chose
to leave all these passages out, and only later did
you
decide to put them back in again for whatever reason.
A. It is not a matter of having decided to leave out, I
was
constructing it. I said in the initial draft there
were
many exaggerations. Looking at it, I said let us
spell
that out more clearly.
Q. Does it not indicate in fact, if you read these
monstrous
exaggerations by Gerstein, that he was a man with a
severely disordered mind, which finally crashed when
he
committed suicide in prison?
A. I think he was a man that was utter traumatised and
unstable.
Q. Yes. In other words, totally unreliable and
undependable
and it was responsible to base an important piece of
history just on the eyewitness testimony of this man
because -- is there any other eyewitness testimony of
equal colour?
A. Two things wrong. To say he is unstable is not
identical
to saying unreliable. To say that it is the only
testimony is false because we have lots of other
. P-171
testimony.
Q. Are you referring to Pfannenstiel?
A. We certainly are.
Q. Are you referring to what Gerstein is alleged to have
said
to a Swedish diplomat?
A. Yes.
Q. When did this conversation with a Swedish diplomat
take
place?
A. August 21, 22, coming back from Warsaw.
Q. In 1942?
A. Yes.
Q. What date is the Swedish diplomatic memorandum on that
conversation? Was it contemporary or was it written
years
later?
A. The one that is in the file of the Swedish Foreign
Office
was written after the war.
Q. Three years later. Was there any opportunity for that
Swedish Foreign Office gentlemen to have cross-
pollinated
his knowledge with what he had read in the Allied and
Swedish newspapers about what had been discovered?
A. I have no idea on that.
Q. No, but you agree that, if this Swedish diplomat had
written a contemporary memorandum dated August 1942,
that
would have very strong evidentiary value?
A. That would have been much stronger.
Q. Something written after the war in 1945, for various
. P-172
reasons, is less dependable?
A. It is evidence of less strength than one written at
the
time.
Q. Why did this man Pfannenstiel accompany Gerstein on
his
visits to these extermination camps?
A. I do not know why he went.
Q. What was his position?
A. He was a Professor.
Q. Was he a Professor at the Institute of Hygiene in
Berlin?
Yes, not in Berlin, Mabuch on the Lan.
Q. And why did he accompany Gerstein?
A. I do not know.
Q. Was that the kind of position where a Professor would
accompany an SS officer in connection with controlling
epidemics?
A. It could well be that he would be invited along as an
expert or someone who wanted to learn, or that the SS
was
trying to bring in, I do not know. There are a number
of
possible explanations.
Q. Pfannenstiel, of course, after the war, am I right,
testified broadly in accordance with what Gerstein had
stated?
A. Yes.
Q. He confirmed that he had seen these things happening?
A. Yes.
Q. What did Gerstein testify that he had seen happening
in
. P-173
two or three sentences? He had seen gassings?
A. Gerstein testified that he went to both Belzec and
Treblinka and saw gassings at each. I am not sure --
yes,
I think he said he saw them at each. Pfannenstiel
said
that he only went to Belzec, that he did not go to
Treblinka, it could well be that Gerstein went on and
he
did not. Pfannenstiel only confirms being with
Gerstein
in Belzec and seeing the Belzec gassing.
Q. Take these two people separately. Gerstein went to
these
two camps, carrying with him a hundred kilograms of
Zyklon
or some fumigating agent and his story is that, after
he
had delivered the goods, which was for fumigation of
clothing -- and he himself states that am I right?
A. Yes.
Q. That the local SS people then gave him a treat and let
him
watch a gassing on the following day. Is that
plausible
in your view?
A. Well, I think they said they did some of the work in
Lublin and then they took him up, and of course, by
his
account, he had gotten into the SS to find out what he
could. So he would have taken this opportunity.
Q. Is there any reason why they should have shown him
something that was top secret?
A. To people in Lublin this was not top secret, and he
was a
member of the SS.
Q. What about Pfannenstiel? Why should they have shown
to
. P-174
this Professor of Hygiene one of the most secret and
deadly operations going on, namely the Final Solution
and
operation? Why should they have done that?
A. I do not know why they should have done that.
Q. Can you think of any reason why Pfannenstiel,
testifying
in a West German court after the war, would have said
that
he had seen these things?
A. It led to a lot more interrogations. If he had denied
it
entirely, I think nothing would have happened, and,
when
he said this, nothing happened either, because
witnessing
it was not committing a crime.
Q. You are absolutely right. Witnessing was not
committing a
crime and Mr Gerstein, was he still alive at that
time?
A. No.
Q. He was dead. So, by saying that Gerstein had
witnessed it
and was involved bringing Zyklon and so on, that did
not
hurt Gerstein either, did it?
A. Gerstein was dead.
Q. There was no skin off Pfannenstiel's nose to accept
whatever was put to him?
A. I think it led to a series of interrogations and, if
it
had not happened, he would have said it. He had no
reason
to incriminate, not incriminate but to involve himself
in
supporting Gerstein's account if it had not occurred.
To
me, it would have been much more likely that he would,
even if it happened, have denied it than vice versa.
. P-175
Q. Surely, if he had denied it, then he would have been
subjected to even more intensive interrogations until
finally he came round. Is that not more likely?
A. These are German interrogations in the 1950s and, from
my
looking through a number of court cases, the notion
that
he would have been subjected to ongoing pressures and
whatever, I see no evidence of that in the Belzec
trial or
other trials of this sort.
Q. Gerstein has however been pretty comprehensively
discredited as an eyewitness, has he not?
A. Gerstein, as I think most would agree, was a very
traumatized and, they decided, unstable individual,
but
what he witnessed, in terms of having been in Belzec,
that
he knows the names of several of these people, he gets
them slightly wrong but close enough, whatever, he
could
have come up with those names in his cell in 1945 when
the
Allies had absolutely no knowledge of the names of the
personnel in these camps. How could he have known
that
there were Galetian transports in August? This was
not
knowledge in 1945. He knows a number of things that
could
not have been known if he had not been there. In that
case, in those areas, I think one can say that this is
a
witness that is telling what he saw, even if it is in
a
highly excited and exaggerated mode.
Q. So his visit is plausible but one is entitled to
disbelieve large parts of what he claims to have seen?
. P-176
A. If this was the only witness for all of Operation
Reinhardt, we would say that this is a very contested
one. What he did say in fact, there is very good
plausibility in the details of which he tells us about
some things that he could not have known if he had not
been there, and in turn it is confirmed by a number of
other witnesses.
Q. Does it not tell us something about the integrity of
historians who have relied so wholeheartedly on
Gerstein
and have suppressed the details which you omitted from
your original report. I am not pointing a finger at
you,
Professor, I am just talking about a number of other
historians. I am not going to mention any names.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Why does it matter for our purposes, what
other historians may have made of Gerstein? I do not
understand.
MR IRVING: It does not matter at all.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: I do not think it really does if one thinks
about it.
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