Archive/File: people/i/irving.david/libel.suit/transcripts/day032.05
Last-Modified: 2000/07/25
MR RAMPTON: I propose that they probably are connected. I do
not have to do that, but I propose that they are
connected, and that the link between them, I have no doubt
at all he is genuinely anti-Semitic and all the more
defamatory it is of him to say so, and it is true.
I propose that certainly, that he is genuinely profoundly
anti-Semitic. But the bridge between the Holocaust denial
and the Hitler apology from anti-Semitism is a very easy
one to build, because what more would an historian who is
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an anti-Semite want to do in exculpation of Hitler which
he has been trying to do by telling lies about history for
years, what more would he want to do than to deny the Holocaust?
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Yes, but he might believe what he is saying.
That is the point. That is why it is important.
MR RAMPTON: Believe what he is saying about what?
MR JUSTICE GRAY: About the Holocaust.
MR RAMPTON: There is no way he could believe what he is saying
about the Holocaust if it ----
MR JUSTICE GRAY: I understand that, but that has nothing to do
with his anti-Semitism. I am not sure I am making my
point clear to you that ----
MR RAMPTON: No, I take a profound anti-Semite, I see that he
has denied the Holocaust without any historical
justification whatsoever.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: But I understand all of that.
MR RAMPTON: Then I ask myself, what is his reason for denying
the Holocaust because he has not got a good historical
one, there must be another one? And the most obvious
thing for a profound and genuine anti-Semite to do because
it suits his book is to leap into Holocaust denial without
any proper evidence at all, any evidence at all, and cart
it around the world in front of him and to audiences at
other anti-Semites and neofascists.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: That is another agenda, you would say?
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MR RAMPTON: Yes, that is the other agenda; the promotion of anti-Semitism.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Yes.
MR RAMPTON: And given that there is, as I say, absolutely no
historical foundation, no proper historical foundation,
for Holocaust denial, and given that there is evidence
that Mr Irving is an anti-Semite, as I say, the bridge
between the one and the other is very easy to build indeed.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Yes, thank you.
MR RAMPTON: And the same goes for Hitler exculpation.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Thank you very much. Now, Mr Irving, it is your turn.
MR IRVING: My Lord, it might be proper, perhaps, to have a
five-minute adjournment as the Defendants have provided to
me a list of objections they make to my closing statement
and, indeed, I think it would be fair to them if I
were just to review those objections and see if I ought to
take them on board.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: I do not have any difficulty with that. Will
five minutes be enough?
MR IRVING: Five minutes will be enough.
(Short Adjournment)
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Yes, Mr Irving?
MR IRVING: My Lord, rather like going over the top in
Gallipoli, but my father was in that battle so I know what
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it is like. I will be making omissions from the text that
I gave your Lordship and I will indicate by saying that
I am omitting a sentence or a paragraph so that your Lordship can follow.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: That is very kind.
MR IRVING: May it please the court. The Defendants in this
action, the publisher Penguin Books Limited and the
American scholar Deborah Lipstadt, have sought to cast
this trial as being about the reputation of the Holocaust. It is not.
The world's press have also reported it in this
way. Again, it is not.
This trial is about my reputation as a human
being, as an historian of integrity, and - thanks to the
remarks made by Mr Rampton - as a father. The Defendants
are saying, and have so convinced many people, that I am
not entitled to continue to earn a living in the way that
I have earned it for nearly 40 years. A judgment in my
favour is no more than that judgment that disputed points
which I have made about some aspect of the narrative are
not so absurd, given the evidence, as to disqualify me
from the ranks of historians. Under the laws of
defamation as they exist in this country, it could not be
anything else, and nor must the defence team, no matter
how powerful, how moneyed, or eloquent, or numerous, be
allowed by their tactics to skew it in any other way.
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I may add that the points I have made do not
necessarily lessen the horror or the burden of guilt.
I have always accepted that Adolf Hitler, as Head of State
and government in Germany, was responsible for the
Holocaust. I said, in the Introduction to my flagship
biography, Hitler's War (this is a reference to the 1991
edition):
If this biography were simply a history of the
rise and fall of Hitler's Reich, it would be legitimate to
conclude: "Hitler killed the Jews". But my years of
investigations suggested that many others were
responsible, that the chain of responsibility was not as
clear cut as that. Nothing that I have heard in this
Court since January 11th has persuaded me that I was wrong
on this account.
These latter points lead to another
consideration. Your Lordship will have heard of the -
largely successful - effort to drive me out of business as
an historian. This Court has seen the timidity, in my
submission, with which historians have already been
fraught once Holocaust is questioned, not denied,
questioned. One notable historian, whose name has been
mentioned this morning, ordered by summons by myself to
attend, showed himself reluctant even to confirm what he
had written in my favour, repeatedly, over the last 20 years.
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A judgment rendered against me will make this
paralysis in the writing of history definitive; from then
on, no one will dare to discuss who exactly was involved
in each stage of the Holocaust -- rather like in Germany
now, you cannot do it any more -- or how extensive it
was. From then on, discussion will revolve around "safe"
subjects, like sacred texts in the Middle Ages, or Marx in
the old Soviet Union, or the Koran in some fundamentalist
state today. Every historian will know that his critique
needs to stop sharply at the boundaries defined by certain
authorities. He will have a choice; accept the official
version, holus-bolus; or stop being an historian.
A judgment in my favour does not mean that the
Holocaust never happened; it means only that in England
today discussion is still permitted. My opponents would
still be able to say, just as now, would still be able,
just as now, to produce other documents if they can; to
expound alternative interpretations. They would be as
free as ever to declare that they think that I am wrong
and all the other things that have been said about me
today. They would be impeded in one way only: they would
not be able to say in a loud and authoritative voice that
I am not an historian, and that my books must be banned.
As a result of my work (and of this case) the Holocaust,
in fact, has been researched more, not less. Those who
(rightly) believe that these crimes should never be
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forgotten (and I stress the word "rightly"), these crimes
should never be forgotten, should ask whether their case
is better served by a compulsory - and dead - text imposed
by law and intimidation, or by a live and on-going
discussion.
Our Common Law has at its kernel an
"adversarial" procedure whereby, it is believed, truth is
best elicited by each side putting their case as strongly
as possible. We have heard some pretty strong things said
today. I agree with English Common Law.
I read in The Independent, a newspaper in this
country, in a lengthy and deeply libellous article
published only last week about me, these words: "But if
he wins, it will open the door for revisionists to rewrite
any event in history without the requirement to consider
evidence that does not suit them and without fear that
they will be publicly denounced for their distortion".
My Lord, in bygone days, I venture to submit,
such an article, published while an action was literally
sub judice, would have been a clear contempt. Your
Lordship will have noticed that I wearied, after a few
days, of drawing attention to the coverage of this trial
in the media. Allow me, however, to introduce one
cautionary statistic: not including the fuss about the
Eichmann manuscript, the British press have published no
fewer than 167 reports during the seven days that I was on
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the witness stand, that is 24 per day; but just 58 reports
during the 20 days when the boot was on the other foot and
I was cross-examining Mr Rampton's fine witnesses, that is
roughly three per day. That is a disparity of about eight
to one. I make no complaint about that. If your Lordship
has noticed any of these items, you will perhaps have
observed that the reporting in both cases is almost
exclusively devoted to the defence statements, or their
questions to me, and not to the product of the
examination. That is the way things are in a free
society. The Court, however, operates by different
standards, and it will not allow public sentiment, I hope,
to guide its verdict.
I believe it was Churchill who once said, "There
is such thing as public opinion, there is only published
opinion". Given such a baleful glare from the press
gallery, my Lord, I am glad that her Majesty has such a
resolute officer presiding over this case. The outcome is
in your Lordship's hands and yours alone, and I am glad,
I am confident that nothing that the press has written, or
may yet write, will deflect your Lordship from arriving at
a just conclusion.
The Defendants have sold around the world a
book, "Denying the Holocaust". May I say here that I see
Penguin Books among the Defendants to my sorrow, as they
have published my own works in the past. They continuing
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even today, however, and I stress this fact, to sell this
book for profit, in the knowledge that it contains very
defamatory allegations and that those allegations are held
to be untrue. It is a reckless, even foolhardy, gesture
which I submit, my Lord, goes to the question of
aggravated damages when the time comes.
Neither of these Defendants evidently bothered
even to have the manuscript professionally read for
libel. I say "evidently" because we do not know: they
have not deigned to enter the witness box themselves, no
executive of Penguin Books, not the author who has, I must
say, sat in this room for the two months that the trial
has continued, neither of them has deigned to enter the
witness box to answer even that most straightforward and
elementary of questions, was there a libel reading of this
book? Nor have they answered this question when it was
put to them in writing. Such a report, a libel report,
is, in my submission, not privileged, and I would have
been well prepared to argue the point; had they claimed
that privilege, I would have asked, "On what grounds?" If
a report was written, it should and no doubt would have
been disclosed, and it was not disclosed. So we are
entitled to assume that they did not bother to have the
book read. It does not exist, the report.
Whatever other limited excuses - whether of
sheer ignorance, or of innocent dissemination - that the
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publisher might have (quite wrongfully) deployed for
publishing this malicious and deeply flawed work were
destroyed from the moment when they received my writ in
September 1996, and were thus informed, if they did not
know in fact already, of the nature and scope of the
libels it contains. And, as said, they have continued to
sell it, hoping no doubt to cash in on, to profit from,
the notoriety gained by these libel proceedings, which is
a textbook case of Rookes v. Barnard if there ever was
one, since the book they are selling still contains even
the several libels which they have made no attempt here to
justify. They have to justify their allegations - - I am
referring, of course, my Lord, to the ----
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Yes.
MR IRVING: --- matters they have pleaded section 5 on
originally. They have made no attempt to justify their
allegations or their defence fails -- I am sorry. They
have to justify their allegations, or their defence fails;
and as your Lordship is aware, where the defamations are
particularly grave, a higher burden of proof falls upon
them than the mere balance of probabilities that is
normally acceptable. In both Defendants, moreover, there
is clear evidence of malice, both in those few documents
which the author of this work has disclosed -- I stress
the word "few"; pitifully few documents have been placed
in my hands -- and in the fact that the same firm of
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publishers had previously distributed a work, a book, in
which I was variously caricatured as Adolf Hitler and
wearing swastika eyeglasses.
The very worst of the libels are so blatant that
neither Defendant has insulted the intelligence of this
Court by offering any justification to them. They hope
instead to divert the court's attention by reference to
distant and notorious matters of history and by calling me
a racist. In consequence, for 30 days or more of this
Court's time, we have had to rake over the embers of what
may be one of the greatest crimes known to Mankind: a
harrowing, time-wasting, needless effort, which has
yielded even now few answers to great questions and
mysteries which even the world's finest academics have so
far not managed to unravel.
I come now to one of the first of these
unanswered and unjustified libels which will come as a
surprise to many people in this courtroom because there is
no reference to it in Mr Rampton's summary. On page 14 of
the book, the Defendants published one of the gravest
libels that can be imagined for a respectable English
citizen who lives a very public life, namely that I
consort with the extremist anti-Semitic Russian group
Pamyat, with violent anti-Israeli murderers, with
extremist terrorists, and with Louis Farrakhan, a Black
Power agitator who is known to be acting in the pay of a
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foreign power, namely the Libyan dictator. This is not
just the simple allegation of associating with
"extremists", the kind of people who use fountain pens to
deliver their extremism, about which they have made so
much. The words on page 14 are as follows - and I make no
apology, my Lord, for reminding the Court of them, the
Second Defendant wrote:
"The confluence between anti-Israel,
anti-Semitic, and Holocaust denial forces was exemplified
by a world anti-Zionist conference scheduled for Sweden in
November 1992. Though cancelled at the last minute by the
Swedish government, scheduled speakers included black
Muslim leader, Louis Farrakhan, Faurrison, Irving", that
is me, "and Leuchter. Also scheduled to participate were
representatives of a variety of anti-Semetic and
anti-Israel organisations, including the Russian group
Pamyat, the Iranian-backed Hizbollah and the
fundamentalist Islamic organization Hamas".
Now, that whole statement was a reckless lie.
It appears from their discovery to have been based on a
press release issued by the jewish Telegraph Agency in New
York which neither that agency or the Defendants made any
attempt to verify. The Court will have noticed in one of
my bundles the letter which I sent to every Scandinavian
Embassy at the time, anxiously denying this allegation. I
have pleaded, as your Lordship is aware, that the innuendo
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was that I was "thereby agreeing to appear in public in
support of and alongside violent and extremist speakers,
including representatives of the violent and extremist
anti-Semitic Russian group Pamyat ... the Hizbollah ...
the Hamas ... Farrakhan ... who is known as a Jew-baiting
black agitator ... and he is known as an admirer of Hitler
and who is in the pay of Colonel Gaddafi".
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