Archive/File: people/i/irving.david/libel.suit/transcripts/day032.03
Last-Modified: 2000/07/25
This last line of defence, which emerged at a
very late stage in Mr Irving's Holocaust denial, is, in
any case, easily demolished. In the first place,
Professor van Pelt, who has subjected the remains of the
roof of Leichenkeller I at crematorium II to careful
examination (which Mr Irving has never done), told the
court that the remains are so fragmentary that they do not
allow any firm conclusions to be drawn as to the existence
or non-existence of the holes. Second, if, as Mr Irving
accepts, Leichenkeller I was a gas chamber (for whatever
purpose) it would always have needed apertures for
inserting the Zyklon-B, since it never had any windows and
only one gas-tight door. Third, even if Mr Irving were
right that it was used for gassing objects and corpses,
the concentration of hydrogen cyanide required for this
would have been comparatively high, with the consequence
that the need for tight fitting apertures which could be
opened and closed quickly and easily, would, for the
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protection of those throwing in the pellets, have been all
the greater. Finally, leaving aside all the mass of
eyewitness testimony, there is a coincidence between two
pieces of independent evidence which demonstrates
conclusively the existence of these holes or apertures.
In 1945, a former inmate of Auschwitz, David Olere, an
artist, drew the ground plan of Leichenkeller I in
crematorium III. This drawing shows a zigzag alignment of
the gassing columns in Leichenkeller I. These are the
columns which would have ended in the apertures through
which the gas pellets were inserted. It happens that that
zigzag alignment is precisely matched by an aerial
photograph taken by the Allies in 1944, which was not
released to the world until 1979. There can, therefore,
be no possibility of any cross-contamination
between Olere's drawing and the aerial photograph. No
doubt recognizing this, Mr Irving sought to suggest at
this trial that the aerial photograph had been faked by
the CIA. Professor van Pelt, however, explained to the
court that he had had the photograph tested by Dr Nevin
Bryant at NASA and that the result of those tests showed
conclusively that the photograph was authentic.
In the light of Mr Irving's concession that
Leichenkeller I was indeed a gas chamber and of the fact
that it is clear that it was never intended for the
gassing of corpses or other inanimate objects, or for use
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as an air-raid shelter, the stark conclusion can only be
this: It must have been used for gassing people, live people.
One residual shred of this aspect of Mr Irving's
Holocaust denial remains. He disputes the numbers of
people murdered at Auschwitz/Birkenau. This last
barricade of Mr Irving's is based on three
distinctly unstable legs.
The first leg is the so-called "death books"
released in recent years from the archive in Moscow.
These are incomplete. They show a total of some 74,000
recorded deaths from various causes. They relate,
however, and could only ever relate, to the deaths of
prisoners registered upon arrival at Auschwitz, that is to
say, those destined to be accommodated in the camps at
Auschwitz and, more particularly, Birkenau, as workers
(for a time at least).
There was, however, a preliminary process at
Auschwitz, which involved separating those deemed to be
fit for work from the rest. This was called "selection".
The vast majority, including the old, young children, and
mothers with small children, were "the rest". They were
gassed immediately without ever being registered; their
deaths were never recorded.
There is a great deal of eyewitness evidence
about this from both sides, perpetrators and surviving
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victims. This evidence is confirmed by photographs taken
by the SS during the so-called "Hungarian action" in the
course of which, over a matter of months, some 400,000
Hungarian Jews were gassed, in the summer of 1944. Thus,
once again, eyewitness evidence is corroborated by
contemporary documentary evidence.
In the result, the fact that the "death books"
fail to record the deaths of perhaps 1 million people
killed on arrival is unsurprising and inconsequential.
The second leg of Mr Irving's last barricade
consists of German police radio messages decoded by the
British during the war. Some of these came from
Auschwitz, and of course none mentioned gassings. For
exactly the same reasons as the death books make no
reference to those murdered on arrival, it is not
reasonable to expect that the radio messages from
Auschwitz would: people who were not registered on
arrival at Auschwitz because they were not destined for
work in the camp but, instead, for immediate death in the
gas chambers, would obviously not be mentioned in messages
about recorded deaths.
The last leg in the barricade is Mr Irving's
contention that Auschwitz did not have sufficient
incineration capacity for all the corpses of those whom it
is generally held by historians were killed there. As
Professor van Pelt convincingly demonstrated, by reference
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to a letter of 28th June 1943, from Karl Bischoff, the
head of the building programme at Auschwitz, to Berlin,
the potential incineration capacity at Auschwitz/Birkenau
at that time far exceeded any possible mortality rate
amongst the registered inmates from "natural"
causes, including the possibility of a repeat of the
typhus epidemic which had struck the camp in 1942. This
means that the incineration capacity must have been
calculated and built, as it was in due course, to
accommodate the mortal remains of the hundreds of
thousands of people who were gassed on arrival.
Faced with this, Mr Irving's only possible
response was (as ever) to challenge the authenticity of
the Bischoff letter. This challenge, in the end, turned
out to be based on nothing more than the fact that the
administrative reference on the letter did not contain the
year date. In fact, copies of this document have been
retained in the archive at Moscow since 1945, when the
Soviets liberated Auschwitz and acquired the documents
which the SS had forgotten to destroy. Moreover, the
document was used at the trial of the Auschwitz
commandant, Rudolf Hoess, in 1948, and again at the trial
of the Auschwitz architects, Dejaco and Ertl, in 1971.
Not unnaturally, Professor van Pelt saw no reason
whatsoever to doubt the authenticity of the document.
Amongst other reasons for rejecting Mr Irving's proposal
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that the document might be a postwar communist forgery, is
the fact that the incineration capacity shown in the
document -- that is 4,756 corpses per 24 hours -- is
very significantly lower than that estimated by the
Soviets and the Poles (both communist regimes) shortly
after the War. It follows that if the document were a
communist forgery, it would be a very strange one.
Mr Irving's last challenge to the incineration
capacity was that the amount of coke delivered to
Auschwitz at the relevant time would not, in the ordinary
way, have been sufficient to meet the required rate of
incineration. As Professor van Pelt demonstrated, this
challenge is demolished by two considerations which
Mr Irving had evidently ignored: first, the procedure for
incineration at Auschwitz involved the simultaneous
incineration of up to four or five corpses even in every
muffle of the ovens; and, second, in consequence, the
corpses themselves served as fuel for the ovens, the more
particularly so if, as they generally did, they included
the comparatively well fed corpses of people recently
arrived on the trains and gassed on arrival.
Mr Irving's Holocaust denial is thus exposed as
a fraud. It originated with a piece so-called scientific
research which, on analysis, turns out, if it has any
value at all, to support the overwhelming historical
evidence that Auschwitz was indeed a gigantic death
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factory. Mr Irving's later adornments to his gas chamber
denial also turn out to be fragile conjectures based on no
significant research at all: it should be noted that
Mr Irving has never himself been to Auschwitz to examine
the archeological remains or the documentary evidence
contained in the archive. It follows that some other
reason must be sought to explain his devotion, over many
years, and even in this court, though his case has changed
and changed back again throughout the trial, to the
bizarre idea that no significant numbers of people were
murdered in the homicidal gas chambers at
Auschwitz/Birkenau. The reasons are not far to seek.
As the evidence in this court has shown,
Mr Irving is a right-wing extremist, a racist and, in
particular, a rabid anti-Semite.
Two examples, again, amongst many, will suffice
to illustrate this proposition.
In a speech which he made at Tampa, Florida, on
6th October 1995 to the National Alliance, a white
supremacist and profoundly anti-Semitic group, Mr Irving
said this about the Jews:
"You have been disliked for 3,000 years. You
have been disliked so much that you have hounded from
country to country, from pogrom to purge, from purge back
to pogrom. And yet you never ask yourselves why you are
disliked, that's the difference between you and me. It
. P-30
would never occur to you to look in the mirror and say
"Why am I disliked, what is it the rest of humanity
doesn't like about the Jewish people, to such an extent
that they repeatedly put us through the grinder?" And he
(a heckler whom Mr Irving said he had perceived to be
Jewish) went beserk, said Mr Irving. He said (the
heckler), "Are you trying to say that we are responsible
for Auschwitz ourselves"? And I, that is Mr Irving, said,
"Well, the short answer is yes". The short answer I have
to say is yes ... If you (the Jews) had behaved
differently over the intervening 3,000 years, the Germans
would have gone about their business and would not have
found it necessary to go around doing whatever they did to
you. Nor would the Russians, nor the Ukranians, nor the
Lithuanians, Estonians, Latvians, and all the other
countries where you've had a rough time. So why have you
never asked yourselves that question?" So much for the Jews.
As to the blacks (and homosexuals), Mr Irving,
in an entry in his private diary on 10th November 1987, on
the occasion of a visit to South Africa, recorded his own thoughts:
"God works in mysterious ways, but here (that is
South Africa) we agree he appears to be working
remorselessly towards a Final Solution which may cruelly
wipe out not only blacks and homosexuals, but a large part
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of the drug addicts and sexually promiscuous and
indiscriminate heterosexual population as well."
These examples, again the tip of, I am afraid, a
very large iceberg, demonstrate, beyond doubt, that
Mr Irving is a profound racist and a radical anti-Semite.
But this is not the end of the story. For many years,
Mr Irving has travelled about the world giving vent to his
views at gatherings composed of, and organized by, others
of similar opinion.
Until he was banned in 1993. Mr Irving's
energies were particularly devoted to the propagation of
his ideology in Germany, where pro-Nazi sentiment has not
only persisted but alas, since reunification, undergone a
significant revival, particularly in the East.
This is chilling exposed by a demonstration of
neo-Nazi boot boys, waving Nazi flags and chanting racist
slogans, which was addressed by Mr Irving at Halle in East
Germany in November 1991. In his diary Mr Irving
described his speech at this rally as "rabble rousing", no
doubt for good reason. The speech was greeted with
enthusiasm, not least, perhaps, because he predicted the
recreation of a greater Germany, by the reconquest,
through economic power, of the former Third Reich
territories in the East. This speech was greeted with
enthusiasm and, unsurprisingly, shouts of "Sieg Heil!".
Holocaust denial is forbidden in Germany
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(notwithstanding which Mr Irving has, from time to time,
managed to slip in direct statements that there were never
any gas chambers). Elsewhere, however, it has been a
constant theme of Mr Irving's public utterances. He has
expressed it, on numerous occasions, in terms which
variously attribute the blame for the Holocaust on the
Jews themselves, accuse Holocaust survivors of lying in
order to extort money from the German Government, and pour
scorn on the suffering of Holocaust victims, both alive
and dead. These utterances are often greeted with warm
applause and loud laughter by his audiences.
Given that Mr Irving has repeatedly falsified
history in pursuit of his obsessive desire to exonerate
Hitler of responsibility for the Nazi persecution of the
Jews and, in particular, of responsibility for the
Holocaust, and given that he has repeatedly denied the
Holocaust, without any historical foundation, and in the
face of overwhelming evidence that the Holocaust took
place on the scale and in the manner generally described
by reputable historians, the question now arises why
Mr Irving should have engaged so actively in the promotion
of these historical falsehoods.
The answers suggested by the evidence are:
Mr Irving is an anti-Semite; Holocaust denial, in the form
in which it is purveyed by Mr Irving, is an obvious
expression of anti-Semitism, and is music to the ears of
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the neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists to whom he
purveys it; Mr Irving is a Hitler partisan, who has
falsified history on a staggering scale in order to
"prove" Hitler's innocence; this, like Holocaust denial,
is obviously very appealing to his fellow travellers --
after all, if the Holocaust were a "myth", then,
obviously, Hitler could have no responsibility for it.
How far, if at all, Mr Irving's anti-Semitism is
a cause of his Hitler apology, or vice versa, is quite
unimportant. Whether they are taken together, or
individually, it is clear that they have led him to
prostitute his reputation as a serious historian (spurious
though it can now be seen to have been) for the sake of a
bogus rehabilitation of Hitler and the dissemination of
virulent anti-Semitic propaganda.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Mr Rampton, can I raise with you now the
points I think I need to clarify?
MR RAMPTON: Yes.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: I do not think it will take very long. There
is just one point that occurred to me as you were reading
out the statement, and it relates to paragraph 41, where
you are dealing with incineration capacity.
MR RAMPTON: Yes.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: The point you are making is that it is
strange to suggest that the Bischoff document is a
communist forgery, since it shows a rate of incineration
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lower than was estimated by the Soviets and the Poles. Am
I right in thinking that the estimate you are there
talking about by the Soviets and the Poles is the estimate
of the total numbers killed, rather than of incineration
capacity or rate of incineration?
MR RAMPTON: No, my Lord. Well, I think that is partly right,
if I may say so. But also on page 207 of Professor van
Pelt's report, there is rather a dense paragraph.
I cannot remember now off the top of my head how the
answers come out. There is rather dense paragraph from
which one can certainly work out, and I know Professor van
Pelt told me what the totals were by but I have forgotten
them. One can certainly work out that the 4,756 corpses
per 24 hours was significantly lower than the Russian and
Polish estimates for incineration. I think the Russian
figure was 50 per cent higher and the Polish figure about
30 per cent higher.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Thank you very much. I did not know that.
You have given me the reference so that has dealt with
that. The other questions are really all rather broader
ones. Can I take them in what I hope is the sensible
order? The first one relates to deportation, and I will
ask Mr Irving the same question in due course. It is not
really clear to me what, if any, is the issue between the
parties as to that particular phase.
MR RAMPTON: No. I have never understood that there was.
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MR JUSTICE GRAY: No.
MR RAMPTON: Dr Longerich told your Lordship, and we accept, we
have to, he knows a lot more about it than we do, that in
the beginning the transportation of the German and other
central European, French and Greek, Italian Jews was just
to the East, where they were put into ghettoes which had
been vacated by the murder of the Polish Jews.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: A sort of two phase deportation exercise?
MR RAMPTON: Yes. Then eventually, probably sometime in 1942,
they started killing the arrivals. There is a notable
document your Lordship will remember from the Gestapo at
Lodz, explaining how they cleared one lot and made room
for the other lot.
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