Archive/File: people/i/irving.david/libel.suit/transcripts/day015.03
Last-Modified: 2000/07/20
Q. The numbers of the pages are at the top right-hand
corner. There are 12 pages in all. Can you turn to page
9 of 12, please? I am going to read the whole of this.
This block in the first half of the page, leaving aside
the interesting historical comment in bold type. You say:
"Thus, we follow this tangled thread. At the end of the
war in 1945, the British Empire was at its greatest ever
extent in history. Our armies straddled the globe. We
were beginning to get back the territories that we had
lost in the Far East through Churchill's foolish military
and naval strategy. And suddenly the Empire went.
Groping around in the darkness, we look for", capital G,
"Guilty", capital M, "Men. Partly I think that we must
blame sins of omission. If we look back from where
Britain is now, with just a handful of people of true
English, Irish, Scots and Welsh stock - apprehensive,
furtively meeting in dinners like this, exchanging our own
shared sensations and sorrows - then we can see where some
of the worst errors have been made.
"In 1958, for example, we find Lord Hailsham
saying at a Cabinet meeting, 'I do not think this Coloured
Immigration is going to be much of a problem in Britain.
We only have 100,000 of these immigrants so far, and I do
not think the numbers are likely to grow much beyond
that! So on chance I am against having any restrictions
imposed". It might be "on balance", is it?
. P-19
A. It should be "on balance", yes.
Q. I think it should. Then you close the quote from Lord
Hailsham and you say: "Traitor No. 1 to the British
cause". What do you mean by that?
A. Lord Hailsham, these were records that were in 1988 just
released from the Public Record Office, Cabinet records,
and they reveal Lord Hailsham, who later became a Lord
Chancellor, I believe, having said at a Cabinet meeting in
1958 in a totally negligent manner that he did not think
that immigration into Britain was going to be a problem
and that so far only 100,000 had arrived, and he thought
it would not go to more than that.
Q. And why does that make him a traitor, No. 1 traitor?
A. Because it is the duty of the custodians of government in
this country to look ahead and to try to ward off any kind
of misfortunes and tragedies that may otherwise befall the
country which is put into their guardianship.
Q. So what you are really saying is they have an overriding
obligation to safeguard the racial purity of the mixed bag
of mongrels of Anglo Saxons, French, Celts, Irish and
goodness knows what all that you call "English", is that right?
A. I am not sure that the British or English would be very
flattered by the "mongrels" that you have called them. If
I were to use language like that, I could be rightly and
justifiably accused of vilification, of defamation and
. P-20
possibly even of racism.
Q. Some of us, Mr Irving ----
A. Are you calling the English half breeds then?
Q. Exactly, one of your favourite terms, "half breeds".
A. Well, you called them "mongrels". If I had used the word
"mongrel" in my diary, then I would have been the subject
of massive obloquy.
Q. Some people, Mr Irving, leaving aside yourself and some of
your friends from the Third Reich, do not mind having
mixed ancestry. Does that baffle you? Do you find that shocking?
A. Well, I have explained to you what my notion of patriotism
is. Patriotism is pride in the country that has been
handed down to you by your parents and by their parents
before them.
Q. I will carry on with the text, if I may? There is not
much more. I should like to think there is somebody
somewhere doing what Gilbert and Sullivan would have done
had Mikado do which is making up a little list of named
people", to be executed is the allusion, is it not?
A. That is a childish remark, frankly.
Q. Well, that is right, is it not? Who is childish, me or you?
A. To suggest that a little list, there is a little list of
people to be executed in some kind of Fourth Reich what
is, no doubt, what you will have said next.
. P-21
Q. I am not suggesting ----
A. That we have democratic processes in this country where
lists of people get regularly fired by the electorate,
but, unfortunately, we did not know in 1958 that Lord
Hailsham had taken this wicked decision.
Q. I am not suggesting you wanted Lord Hailsham executed,
though may be you did ----
A. That is precisely the innuendo you placed on that phrase.
Q. But the little list in your book, if you are the Mikado,
is a list of traitors and the nature of their treachery is
to allow large numbers of people who are not of pure
mongrel English stock into this country, is it not?
A. That is precisely what I did not say. What I did say, he
is a traitor because he has not had Britain's interests,
the interests of the British people at heart. He has
failed to see ahead to the tragedy which massive
immigration would inflict on this country.
This country was existing in a relative
state of
peace. If you ask the family of Steven Laurence, you
will
see the kind of tragedy that has been inflicted on an
individual scale by massive immigration into a foreign
country.
Q. So people like the Laurences, rather like your remarks
about the Jews, have brought it on themselves, is that
the
theory?
A. Oh, really! If this is the level of your advocacy ---
-
. P-22
Q. Well, what do you mean?
A. --- this morning, then perhaps we ought to take a
break.
Q. What do you mean, Mr Irving?
A. Shall I spell it out?
Q. Yes, please.
A. I will repeat what I just said. In the 1950s, Britain
was
a country at peace. We had defeated a major world
power.
We were licking our wounds and recovering and, for no
perceptible reason, we then through the folly and
negligence of the government that we had voted into
power,
as we now see, through their total negligence, through
their ignorance, we inflicted on this country a body
wound
which only began at that time, the kind of wound which
has
led to 100,000 cases of the Stephen Laurence tragedy
occurring on one level, and it could have been
avoided.
Q. Those tragedies ----
A. It was a tragedy inflicted on the immigrants whom we
imported as slaves, as cheap labour into this country,
and
it was a tragedy on this country.
Q. Yes, and the reason why people like Stephen Laurence
or
Stephen Laurence, if you like, was killed was because
he
was black, was it not?
A. I think you are absolutely right. Of course, we do
not
know because there has been no formal finding in that
matter.
Q. And who is to blame for the fact that Stephen Laurence
was
. P-23
killed because he was black?
A. Well, I do not want to sound legalistic, but until
there
is a proper legal enquiry into the matter and the
guilt is
apportioned and we find out exactly what happened, it
would be wrong to kind of prejudge that issue, but we
can
talk in theoretical terms and say who is to blame if a
black is killed by racist white thugs.
Q. Yes, who is to blame?
A. The racist white thugs are to blame.
Q. Thank you very much. Now we go on, please: "Even if
we
all pull together jointly and severally for the next
10,
20, or 30 years and manage to put the clock back, say,
half an hour of its time, the really", capital G,
"Guilty", capital P, "People" will have passed on
commemorated only by the bronze plaques and the
statues
and memorials scattered around our capital. We can go
around and efface those monuments; but it is going to
be
a damned sight harder to put Britain back where it
was.
I don't think Mrs Thatcher or her like are going to be
the
people to do it. Even less do I think the Socialist
Party
are going to be the people to do it. Nothing makes me
--
Mr David Irving -- shudder ----
A. Can I just explain the phrase Guilty People, why it is
in
capital letters?
Q. We have had all that earlier on.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: Say what you want to say about it and
then we
. P-24
will come back.
A. It is a reference of course to a very famous book by
Michael Foot in 1938 about the appeasers.
MR RAMPTON: In this context it means the politicians who
allowed all these black, brown and Jewish people into
this
country, does it not?
A. I do not think we are talking about specific
categories of
people. We are talking about the appeasers, who have
kowtowed to the Buddha of political correctness.
Q. Whatever.
A. And have ruined their own country in the process.
Q. Mr Irving, please. Sometimes your interpretation of
your
own words is, to say the least, bewildering. In this
context, it must be, must it not, that one of the
principal guilty people, in fact possibly the most
guilty
because he is traitor number 1, was, for example, Lord
Hailsham?
A. And cabinet ministers like him, quite clearly. I have
simply taken him as an example because that record has
just come into the public domain at that time, but we
presume that there are others like him, Harold
Macmillan
and others of that ilk.
Q. Anybody who, at the very least, acquiesced in the
admission to this country of large numbers of
immigrants?
A. Of whatever colour. It would have made no difference
if
they had acquiesced in the immigration into Britain of
. P-25
huge numbers of, shall we say, Slovaks or Poles or
people
of whatever colour. If you import people, whatever
colour, into a country on that massive scale, it
introduces social unrest and economic unrest. There
is no
reference in this passage, what you have read, from
which
one can deduce that I am referring in that passage
only to
people of colour, let alone the Jews or anybody else
that
you are trying to shoehorn into it.
Q. Do not worry about that. We have just seen a
reference in
the Hailsham passage to coloured immigration.
A. That is what was happening at that time. Lord
Hailsham
referred specifically in cabinet to the coloured
immigration.
Q. Capital C, capital I, Coloured Immigration. Now we
are
going to see exactly what you talking about in the
next
sentence, if you will just let me read it:
"Nothing makes me shudder more than two or
three months, working on a new manuscript, and I
arrive
back at Heathrow Airport - where of course, my
passport is
checked by a Pakistani immigration officer (Laughter).
Isn't that a humiliation for us English? (Applause)".
A. Can we continue, please, and we will see what makes me
shudder.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: No. We will come to the rest of it in a
moment.
A. That is the parenthesis. He has read the parenthesis
as
. P-26
though that is what makes me shudder, and of course
that
is not what makes me shudder.
Q. You are going to be asked a question about that
particular
sentence now.
A. Can we read the whole sentence in context?
Q. You can see what comes later in a moment. Just answer
Mr Rampton's question first.
A. He has paused at the wrong place.
MR RAMPTON: No, Mr Irving. I want to know what is the
matter
with your passport stamp being put, or whatever it is,
put
on by a Pakistani.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: "Checked by".
MR RAMPTON: Checked by a Pakistani immigration official,
officer, which caused great laughter amongst the
audience
apparently, or the laughter anyway, and why you should
be
applauded for saying that such an experience is an
"humiliation for us English"?
A. Well, presumably, if he is a Pakistani and he is
working
there, he has less right to check my passport than an
Englishman who is working there. I would expect an
Englishman to be better in control of immigration into
England than somebody who has born outside the country,
which is why that remark is made.
MR JUSTICE GRAY: That is as maybe. Mr Rampton's question is
why is it humiliating?
A. That is bound up in my answer to the question, my Lord,
. P-27
that I would have expected English people to be checking
the immigration. If you go to Germany, you do not have,
for example, Jamaicans, or you do not have Kosovans, or
you do not have Russians checking the passports going into
the country. You expect to have people of the country
concerned who are checking the passports of the people
going in and specifically at immigration control.
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