The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

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From slepokuo@cadvision.com Sun Oct  1 09:09:46 PDT 1995
Article: 10072 of alt.revisionism
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From: slepokuo@cadvision.com (Orest Slepokura)
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: The Politics of Torture in Israel
Date: 30 Sep 1995 19:45:16 GMT
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                The Trauma of Palestine and The Search for Peace

"Those days they transported captured Jews in train cars, like the ones
used for cattle," said my driver. She went on telling me the story of her
mother: "My mother was captured in Yugoslavia during the war [World War
II]. The trip to Germany was long and there was no food. They arrived in
bad shape, then were made to walk to the concentration camp. There was one
particular moment that stuck in my mother's memory hat affected her
profoundly: during their long march, two German women riding bicycles
stopped and gazed at them. They watched the row of living skeletons,
exhausted and debilated, walking slowly, then rode away." My driver turned
and looked at me: "That's why I have come to Gaza. I decided long ago not
to be a cyclist who only looks on. I try to tell the people of Israel what
is going on in Gaza."

My driver was a journalist working for an Israeli newspaper as a Gaza
correspondent. She had kindly offered me a ride from Gaza to Tel Aviv, and
she was responding to to my question as to why she had decided to work in
Gaza.

Crossing from Gaza to Isral is like moving to a different world
altogether: Gaza's battered roads are full of potholes, some parts of them
flooded with sewage water, lined by the graffiti-covered walls of rundown
buildings and crowded with people, lots of people, everywhere (Gaza is one
of the most densely populated areas in the world, with more than 1,800
inhabitants per square mile). After crossing the border, you see Israel's
orderly roads and well-regulated environment, with people mostly waiting
at bus stops looking patiently at the trafic moving north, hoping to catch
a ride.

I asked the Israeli journalist whether the general public knew about their
government's policies and practices in Gaza. She replied that the Hebrew
press reportedly extensively on the Occupied Territories, and that all the
relevant facts were published. I wanted to make sure we were talking about
the same facts, so I briefly reviewed some of what I knew. "Yes, that has
all been reported," she replied. I asked whether there was any public
pressure to stop these human rights abuses. She explained how the public
was mostly concerned about security issues, and how polarization between
the two communities had made it difficult for the general public to focus
on the human rights aspects of Israeli policy.

My visit to the Palestinian territories was part of a Canadian aid project
managed by the Near East Cultural and Educational Foundation of Canada
(NECEF) and funded by Health and Welfare Canada. As a child psychiatrist,
my role was primarily to provide mental health training and consulatations
in Gaza and Jerusalem. I conducted training courses in clinical
assessment, play therapy and family therapy under the Gaza Community
Mental Health Program (GCMPH) and at the Palestinian Counselling Centre
(PCC) in Jerusalem. This was my third visit to Gaza and the West Bank. My
earlier visits had been funded by the Canadian International Development
Agency, and had focused on mental health training for Palestinian
front-line community workers. During my three visits I interviewed and/or
was consulted on more than one hundred and twenty cases.

Not wishing to be a "cyclist who only looks on" myself, I am obliged to
report what I saw in Gaza: the people are severely traumatized, and this
is felt at every level of society--the individual, the family and the
community. The effects of traumatization run so deep that it has become a
significant factor in the social and political dynamic process. Three
cases I assessed illustrate the severity of the trauma in Gazan society:

*The case of a six year old boy, Ali. Ali's mother told me what had
happened: "Around two years ago the [Israeli] soliders broke into our home
in the middle of the night. After breaking and destroying the furniture,
they ordered all of us to gather, stripped Abu Khalid (Ali's father) naked
and severely beat him in front of everyone. Then, they ordered him to act
like a donkey." (In Arab culture the donkey is characterized by
inferiority and stupidity.) Ever since, Ali has wet his bed and he does
not listen to us."

*The case of a five year old girl, Leila. Leila's home was blown up by the
Israeli army following allegations that her older brother had been active
in confronting the [Israeli] army on the streets. After that, the family
lived in a makeshift tent near their destroyed house. Every night Leila
could not go to sleep in the tent. Her family had to take her the ruins of
the house where she would fall asleep in the remains of her room.

*The case of a forty five year old father, Abu Amjad. As an ex-prisoner,
Abu Amjad compared his detention experience in the mid nineteen-seventies
with his detention in the early nineteen-nineties thus: "In my first
imprisonment they whipped us with metal whipcords. I remember the walls of
the prison stained with blood all over. After the Intifada I was
imprisoned again and they used the "refigerator." I could not sleep in it
for ten days at a time. I was losing my mind...I am prepared to be whipped
every day for the rest of my life, rather than endure the refrigerator for
a few days. It is an experience that makes you wish for death." (The
"refigerator," known to some as the "coffin," is a small size container
which is cooled to a low temperature that prevents a person from sleeping.
Some accounts mention "spikes" on the inner walls that force prolonged
periods of motionless and painful confinement.)

Ibtihaj, Abu Amjad's nineteen year old daughter, complained that her
father's "personality" had changed after he was released from prison (the
second time): "He used to be a patient man. Now he has a bad temper. He is
confused. He does not want to do anything. He does not talk like he used
to. Everyone (in the family) is afraid of him. It's a difficult problem
for us."

These examples, I discovered within days of working in Gaza, were not
isolated incidents; rather, they represent common practices, along with
others, inflicted upon the community.

How common were these practices? I have not done research on this question
myself, but others have. Here are some results of their research: CCMHP
conducted a survey in 1992 in violence-related trauma among child aged
eight to fifteen. It revealed the following grim picture: 85% of the
children interviewed had experienced night raids and 55% had witnessed the
beating of a family member; 42% of the children had been beaten by
soldiers (5% had suffered bone fractures as a result); 24% had been hit by
ammunition, including rubber-coated bullets; 92% had suffered the effects
of tear gas; 50% had been subjected to humiliation; 19% had been detained
for short periods; 2% had been imprisoned and 2% had had their homes
demolished. These numbers are staggering, especially when it is taken into
account that this was a randomized sample of more than 1,500 children from
the community at large. With an estimated 160,000 Gazan children between
the ages of eight and fifteen (another estimated 160,000 were under the
age of eight), the actual number of children subjected to these practices
is very high.

Other studies reported comparable findings: the United Nations Relief and
Works Agency (UNRWA) reported that from December 1987 to April 1994,
83,000 Palestinians had been treated medically for injuries inflicted by
the Israeli army or by settlers. 37% of these casualties were children
under the age of fifteen. Over half were the result of beatings, and a
quarter resulted from gunfire. This does not include injuries treated at
home or those sustained under Israeli detention.

Not all of the children survived this violence: The Save the Children Fund
and the Jerusalem-based Palestine Human Rights Information Centre (PHRIC)
in a joint study reported that more than three hundred children aged
sixteen or under had been fatally injured by gunfire between December 1987
and January 1994. Another thirty-eight children, almost all of whom three
years and younger, had been asphyxiated by super-toxic tear gas.

As for the maltreatment of prisoners, B'Tselem, an Israeli human rights
organization, issued a report on torture in which it listed the methods
used: sleep deprivation; food deprivation; "hooding," that is, covering
the head with a sac (often fouled with nauseating odours, sometimes wet)
for several hours on end; being tied-up for long periods (as long as 36
hours) in deliberately painful positions (for example, the "banana" tie
where the body is bent backwards, with ones [sic] hands tied to his legs)
or--the standard technique for nearly all detainees--"alshbah" (being
tied, with the hands bound over the head, sometimes to a wall attachment,
for hours or even days); cold showers and enforced sitting on wet floor
for prolonged periods; the use of violence, such as severe beatings with
the fists on all parts of the body, sticks and other instruments (as a
direct result of the beatings many lost consciousness and/or had to be
treated in hospitals); verbal insults and abuses; threats of harm to the
detainee or his family members. B'Tselem goes on to say that these
techniques are "usually used in combination."

Al-Haq and the Palestinian Human Rights Information Centre (PHRIC), both
of which are Palestinian human rights organizations, reported the use of
electric shock, sexual assaults and threats of rape of the victim and his
or her mother or sister, as techniques used during interrogations. Females
reported threats of sexual more frequently than boys or men.

Human rights organizations estimate that tens of thousands of adults and
children under the age of fifteen have been imprisoned and tortured. The
reports indicate that fourteen to eighteen days of imprisonment often pass
before a relative is notified or a representative from the Red Cross or a
lawyer is allowed to visit the detainee. It is also worth noting that none
of the ex-detainees interviewed by B'Tselem had been charged with a
serious crime, a quarter never charged at all.

In addition to reciting human rights organizations findings, the Hebrew
Press has had its own reporting on the issue of human rights abuses in the
Palestinian Territories. For example, in February 1992, Israeli journalist
Doron Meeri reported in 'Hadashot' a re-examination of testimonies from
eight Palestinians about the use of electric shock during interrogation.
Later Meeri reported about the "plain horror" of the practices carried out
by an [Israeli] interrogation squad in Hebron.

B'Tselem, Al-Haq, PHRIC, Boston-based Physicians for Human Rights and the
Public Committee Against Torture in Israel have amply documented the
nature of the methods used by Israeli authorities during interogations and
described those methods as standard or routine. Amnesty International, in
a July 1991 report,stated: "Torture or ill treatment seem to be virtually
institutionalized
during the arrest and interrogation procedures preceding the detainees'
appearance before a milityary court. The practices relating in particular
to interrogation procedures have been officially endorsed and are
generally condoned, and therefore effectively encouraged by the
authorities." Other sources of trauma include assassinations (of
Palestinian activists by Israeli undercover units, and of alleged
Palestinian "collaborators" by Palestinians), land confiscations, house
demolitions, deportations and economic barriers.

Another important question, especially from functional and prognostic
standspoints, is the effects such trauamatic circumstances have on the
individual, the family and the community. In psychiatry (on an individual
level) this is referred to as "post traumatic stress disorder," and is
regarded as a diagnosable mental condition. In my clinical work in Gaza I
found methods of maltreatment in prisons and detention centres of
particular importance. What emerged from listening to the histories of the
ex-prisoners I interviwed was a remarkable consistency in their
descriptions of what was done to them, and, the effects this had on them,
and, from interviews with their families, the effects it had on the family
unit.

A closer examination of what a prisoner goes through--whether it is food
or sleep deprivation, chronic pain or discomfort, suffocation (the use of
"hooding"), violence, humiliation or other psychological
maltreatment--reveals a common characteristic in the methods used. They
all contribute to an inner breakdown in the person's ability to cope,
tolerate frustrating emotions and maintain the ability to function as a
self-reliant person. Basically, these methods take away esteem and plant
in its place terror and frustration. The result is the loss of ability to
work productively; sudden violent rages; (yes, there has been a serious
rise in family violence since the Intifada began); loss of ability to
socialize; sudden, frightening flashbacks and nightmares, and chronic
depression.

As for teenagers, the effects are more damaging: five detainees I
examined, who had been tortured during their adolescence, developed a
psychotic schizophrenia-like illness (this is basically loss of touch with
reality and usually a serious disintegration in the personality
structure). It is possible that these individuals would have developed
this illness anyway (after all, 1% of any population is expected to have
this disorder).However, from the clinical
histories I gathered, there was evidence that suggests that these
individuals'illnesses were closely related to the extreme experiences they
had gone through during detention. It may well be that the Israeli
interrogators have created the "right" circumstances for schizophrenia to
develop. Maybe some researchers would find this interesting from an
academic standpoint.

Nor suprisingly, the effects of traumatic circumstances on children's
mental health, functional abilities and overall development are serious.
Research carried out suggests that about 50% of the children of Gaza
suffer anxiety problems, and 25% suffer from depression. Behavioral,
academic, social and medical dificulties are widespread; some, such as
bed-wetting, are at an epidemic level.

What complicates the picture further is that the Palestian family is in
deep crisis. Stressed-out mothers, poor resources and conflicting,
frustrated and often violent interactions within the family, and more
broadly within the community , have all diminished the family's ability to
provide support and attention that are necessary for healing. This has
happened in a culture that traditionally values child rearing and family
building.

Friends of Israel may find it hard to accept the wrongs described in this
article. But, if peace is to be realized, both adversaries in this
conflict will have to translate their desire for peace into a sensible
scrutiny of their of their traditional positions. From the Israeli side of
this equation, reactions to Palestinian violence against Israel will
hopefully not stop at shock, bereavement and anger, but be extended to a
recognition of an underlying causality that may facilitate reconciliation
between the two communities. On the Palestinian side, there needs to be a
chanelling of anger into constructive energy that can provide from within
an attempt at making peace, not only with the Israelis, but also with
their painful past. The fact is that real peace in the Middle East
requires a search for effective solutions to serious problems. This
entails looking to the origins of these problems. Only then can there be
peace that is not only portrayed through signed agreements, but, more
importantly, peace that includes non-violent conexistence as a basic
ingredient.

The fact is that the Palestinian comunity is severely traumatized,
individual by individual--hundreds of thousands of individuals. This
traumatization is multi-faceted, multi-layered, chronic and severe. Ali,
Leila and Abu Amjad all carry scars that will be a powerful influence in
their lives and their futures. Their healing is essential for peace, but
how can healing be achieved for them, and for Palestine?

My view is that this will require persistent efforts and favourable
conditions, and that it will be a challenge, not only for Palestinians
themselves, but also for their partners in the peace process.

To begin with, Ali, Leila and Abu Amjad will have to feel secure in their
homes and community, proud of belonging to their Palestinian nation. That
is where the process of change will have to start: in effect, they must
feel that they belong to a nation with a unique experience, a nation of
victims that struggles to obtain its basic sense of pride and well-being.
It must be recognized that the problem with pride stems from the loss of
land, and that the lack of well-being comes from the community's inability
to protect itself or its individual members. This, in my opinion, is the
first requirement for healing: to regain a collective group identity that
includes pride, security and hope. Structurally speaking, this means
independent statehood, with democratic institutions that can protect Ali,
Leila and Abu Amjad and their rights, and facilitate their productive and
healthy growth through a rehabilitation and rebuilding process.

Achieving national rights will give them a sense of pride. Ensuring human
rights will allow them to feel secure and valued. Democracy will give them
confidence, esteem and empowerment through participation. Rehabilitation
and rebuilding, and the economic prosperity that may follow, will give
them hope for a better life. These, I believe, are the requirements for
their healing, and Palestine's healing. But all this cannot be
accomplished without the partners in peace having an agenda with these
clear objectives in mind.

Within this context, they, like other individuals anywhere, will have
specific needs that have to be met through civic planning and social and
economic policy. Health (including mental health), education, employment
and housing are areas that can benefit from technical and financial
support from Western democracies, including Canada. Needless to say,
meeting these needs will also be important to the healing process.

In a way, we can not afford to fail. The alternative to healing is the
continuation, and possibly the growth, of a culture of despair, a fertile
ground for extremism. The cycle of violence that may result would be
tragic for all.

[end of article]

                                      Dr. Sameh Hassan, The NECEF Report
                                      Fall 1995, pp. 7 - 11

*******************************************************************************


From slepokuo@cadvision.com Sat Oct  7 14:17:50 PDT 1995
Article: 12878 of alt.conspiracy
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From: slepokuo@cadvision.com (Orest Slepokura)
Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy
Subject: Evidence of Israeli atrocities
Date: 7 Oct 1995 17:30:03 GMT
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                             OPENING GRAVE WOUNDS

              Evidence of Israeli atrocities during the 1967 war
               with Egypt threatens the countries' fragile ties

Despite a historic peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, the heritage of
two wars in two decades still leaves unexpected and bitter traces. Last
week new disclosures that Israeli soldiers massacred Egyptian POWS during
the 1967 war added to a growing wave of anti-Israeli sentiment in Egypt.
The sequence of events leading to the unearthing of two mass graves
outside the Sinai city of El Arish last week began a month ago with
admissions by Israeli war verterans that unarmed Egyptian civilians and
POWS were murdered in the 1956 and 1967 wars.

The expedition that discovered the shallow burial sites was organized by
the semiofficial Al-Ahram nesspaper and guided by Abdel Salam Moussa, 55,
a former air force officer who was taken prisoner by the Israelis during
the 1967 war. The searchers found human bones and estimated that the first
grave contained the remains of approximately 90 people. Recalling the
killings, Moussa told Al-Ahram, "I saw a line of prisoners, civilians and
military, and they [Israeli troops] opened fire at them all at once. When
they were dead, they told us to bury them." Another witness to such
shootings, a local Bedouin named Soliman Salama, identified a second grave
27 km away where he said he saw Israelis kill about 30 Egyptian soldiers
after they had surrendered.

The fury aroused in Egypt by the apparent proof of massacres was fueled by
the press, which matched wartime photos with imaginative illustrations
showing Egyptian soldiers surrendering, being ordered to dig their graves,
then being executed. Opposition parties and newspapers are pressing
President Mubarak to suspend diplomatic ties with Israel until a full
investigation into the executions is conducted. Director of Egypt's State
Information Service Nabil Osman responded, "This is a very serious issue.
The truth has to be made clear. Such crimes are against humanity, and they
just don't fade away."

The sudden revival of old resentments threatened to poison relations
between Cairo and Tel Aviv, and worse, to undermine a diplomatic alliance
that is essential to the process of reaching a broader Middle East
settlement. The controversy led Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres to
veto Cairo as the site for current talks with the Palestinians over
self-rule in the West Bank, explaining that he would have to answer
questions about the mass graves.

For the Israelis, who take pride in the morality of their armed forces,
the revelations were deeply troubling. Prompted, he said, by conscience,
retired Israeli General Arieh Biro admitted last month that he had
executed 49 Egyptian POWS with submachine gunfire in the 1956 Sinai
campaign. The disclosure touched off a bout of soul-searching and prompted
Israelis who had witnessed other executions to come forward. The newspaper
Yediot Aharonot urged a government investigation, not only to satisfy
Egyptians but also "for our own sake, our conscience, our beliefs and our
principles."  Biro, 69, said he had been ordered to advance but lacked the
means to take along his Egyptian captives; he could not leave them for
fear that they would lead their advancing comrades to Israeli psotions. So
he killed them. He has "ached over" his actions, he said, but "under the
same circumstances, I think I would do it again."

While Egyptian anger was on the rise, the reaction in Israel grew more
muted. Foreign ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor said, "We know that Israeli
prisoners were killed many times in the past. Without accepting them,
atrocities are part and parcel of war. The Egyptians cannot claim the
moral superiority to criticize us, while ignoring whatever their own side
did."

The Egyptians are demanding that Israel officially apologize, launch an
investigation into the incidents, punish those found guilty and compensate
the families of every prisoner of war killed by the Israelis. Israel's
Attorney General Michael Ben-Yair ruled last month that there was no basis
for prosecuting soldiers for offences in 1956 and 1967 because of a
20-year statute of limitations on homicide charges. Israel's only
war-crimes law, Ben-Yair noted, related to crimes of genocide or crimes
committed by the Nazis during World War II. While the shootings of the
POWS were "unlawful and intolerable acts," he said, they were not the kind
of crime covered by the law on genocide.

That reasoning has rankled many Egyptians, who point out that Israel has
set a precedent in such matters by relentlessly tracking down Nazi war
criminals all over the globe. "This is not just a political issue," said
retired Major General Ahmed Fakhr, director of the National Center for
Middle East Studies in Cairo and a veteran of all three wars, "This is an
issue of families who were told that their men were missing in action.
Now, after 20 years, they learn they were slaughtered in cold blood by the
Israelis." Concludes Fakhr: "The Israelis opened that file, now they have
to close it. And peace means justice."

[end of article]

                                                       Frederick Painton
                                                       TIME, Oct. 2, 1995


From slepokuo@cadvision.com Sun Oct 15 17:46:27 PDT 1995
Article: 11080 of alt.revisionism
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From: slepokuo@cadvision.com (Orest Slepokura)
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: A radio address by Minister Louis Farrakhan
Date: 14 Oct 1995 18:07:29 GMT
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                  A radio address by Minister Louis Farrakhan
                                  March, 1984


The Jews don't like Farrakhan, so they call me Hitler. Well, that's a good
name. Hitler was a very great man. He wasn't great for me as a black
person, but he was a great German...He rose Germany up from nothing. Well,
in a sense you could say there's similarity in that we are rising up our
people from nothing.

What is it about Hitler that you love to call every black man who rises up
with strength a Hitler?

What have I done? Who have I killed? I warn you, be careful, be careful.
You're putting yourself in dangerous, dangerous shoes. You [Jews] have
been the killer of all the prophets. Now, if you seek my life, you only
show that you are no better than your fathers.

[end of article]

But not the end of Minister Louis Farrakhan. On Monday, October 16,
Minister Farrakhan, will lead the Million Man March on Washington. It may
prove to be a landmark event in American history.


From slepokuo@cadvision.com Mon Oct 16 07:04:57 PDT 1995
Article: 11080 of alt.revisionism
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From: slepokuo@cadvision.com (Orest Slepokura)
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: A radio address by Minister Louis Farrakhan
Date: 14 Oct 1995 18:07:29 GMT
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                  A radio address by Minister Louis Farrakhan
                                  March, 1984


The Jews don't like Farrakhan, so they call me Hitler. Well, that's a good
name. Hitler was a very great man. He wasn't great for me as a black
person, but he was a great German...He rose Germany up from nothing. Well,
in a sense you could say there's similarity in that we are rising up our
people from nothing.

What is it about Hitler that you love to call every black man who rises up
with strength a Hitler?

What have I done? Who have I killed? I warn you, be careful, be careful.
You're putting yourself in dangerous, dangerous shoes. You [Jews] have
been the killer of all the prophets. Now, if you seek my life, you only
show that you are no better than your fathers.

[end of article]

But not the end of Minister Louis Farrakhan. On Monday, October 16,
Minister Farrakhan, will lead the Million Man March on Washington. It may
prove to be a landmark event in American history.


From slepokuo@cadvision.com Fri Oct 20 10:40:17 PDT 1995
Article: 11455 of alt.revisionism
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From: slepokuo@cadvision.com (Orest Slepokura)
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: Eitan's Poetic Vision (of ethnic cleansing)
Date: 18 Oct 1995 02:38:13 GMT
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             General Eitan's Poetic Vision (of ethnic cleansing)

Raphael Eitan, presently the leader of a small right-wing party in the
Israeli parliament, was the Israeli Chief of Staff when he spoke these
memorable words back in 1983 [see The New York Times, April 14, 1983]:

"When we have settled the land [the occupied Palestinian territories], all
the Arabs will be able to do about it will be to scurry around like
drugged cockroaches in a bottle."

"...scurry around like drugged cockroaches in a bottle..."

That's an arresting image.  Not a bad simile, either. Let's examine it a
little closer, shall we?

The use of the verb "scurry" of course conveys the rapid motion of roaches
in a state of panic, while the simile itself ["...like drugged
cockroaches..."] makes it abundantly clear what Eitan thinks of Arabs and
how perceives them: a people akin to insects in mindless disarray. His
overall tone is one of a very arrogant and cynical condescension.

There's a subtext to this poetic reverie of Eitan's. Everyone would agree
that cockroaches are universally despised, and, as a matter of course fit
only to be exterminated. I wonder: Did the Israeli Chief of Staff see
himself in the role of a roach exterminator in relation to the Palestinian
Arabs living under the hard military thumb of the IDF in the occupied
Palestinian territories?

I'm also wondering whether General Raphael Eitan, like his Balkan
soulmate, Dr. Radovan Karadic, a man who nowadays virtually personifies
ethnic cleansing, also writes poetry in his spare time. Given his flair
for imagery, it wouldn't suprise me to learn Raphael Eitan did indeed
compose verses.
  
Unfortunately, the general's boss back in 1983, Prime Minister Menachem
Begin, didn't share his Chief of Staff's flair for memorable images.
Instead, the Israeli prime minister was prone to indulge in brutally
colourless comparisons. Consider this utterance, for example, that might
have excited the envy of a Genghis Khan: "[The Palestinians are] beasts
walking on two legs."  

For the benefit of our less literate brethren, let me say that this
statement constitutes a metaphor, which any dictionary will define as
comparing two very dissimilar things. 

The Prime Minister of Israel, being a man of class, uttered it during the
course of speech he was making in the Israeli Knesset. You'll see it
referenced in Amnon Kapeliouk's article "Begin and the 'Beasts',"in the
June 25, 1982, issue of New Statesman.

Mind you, I always considered Begin's forte, aside from political
terrorism [Deir Yassin, etc.] and war crimes [the 1982 invasion of
Lebanon, culminating in the massacares of defenceless refugees at the
Sabra and Chatila refugee camps], to be rhetoric.   

The little shouter was never in finer form than when he was denouncing
those oh so vile heretics, the Holocaust deniers.

Begin (seething): "There is an attempt--and even the word Satanic cannot
describe its evilness--to deny that six million Jews, men, women and
children, were led by Nazi Germany and its partners to the pits, the
poison-spewing trucks, to the gas chambers..."  

In an age where one can, like Dr. Karadic, be a mind healing psychiatrist,
poet and ethnic cleanser in one fell swoop, I suppose it shouldn't be in
any way so unusually weird to see a terrorist and a war criminal like
Manchem Begin try to palm himself off as an indignant moralist. 

What is even weirder, but most very definitely telltale, was that the
corrupt and controlled lie-media in the West should have pretended not to
notice the remarkable dissonance between Begin's different, ahem, roles.
Rather like polite society pretending to not notice a virulent attack of
flatulence on the part of the guest of honour at a dinner party.


From slepokuo@cadvision.com Thu Oct 26 05:57:30 PDT 1995
Article: 12698 of alt.revisionism
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From: slepokuo@cadvision.com (Orest Slepokura)
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: The Law of Diminishing Returns Returns
Date: 26 Oct 1995 02:42:02 GMT
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X-Newsreader: Yet Another NewsWatcher 2.0b30

                                 Art of Politics

With increasing frequency, reports The New York Times, candidates from
both political parties around the United States have used comparisons to
Nazis, Nazi behaviour and the Holocaust to call attention to some
perceived political act of horror. For instance, Idaho's state
superintendent of education compared her first six weeks in office to Anne
Frank's persecution by the Nazis. "The danger is that [hyperbole] exhausts
the capacity of language to express outrage," says Kathleen Hall Jamieson,
dean of the Annenberg School for Communications in Pennsylvania. "When
someone actually does act like Hitler now, we don't have the words any
more."

[end of article]

                                              The Toronto Globe and Mail
                                                   October 25, 1995



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