The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

Shofar FTP Archive File: people/r/roberts.jeff/1996/roberts.0796


From Jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul  1 09:08:04 PDT 1996
Article: 47321 of alt.revisionism
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From: Jeff 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: Re: The nitty gritty]
Date: Tue, 25 Jun 1996 19:51:19 GMT
Organization: None
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In article:   dkeren@world.std.com (Daniel 
Keren) writes:
> Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
> Path: 
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dkeren
> From: dkeren@world.std.com (Daniel Keren)
> Subject: Re: casual juggling with millions [was Re: The nitty gritty]
> Message-ID: 
> Organization: The World, Public Access Internet, Brookline, MA
> References: <4qiva4$3nm@sjx-ixn5.ix.netcom.com> 
<4qj4nv$9vi@newsbf02.news.aol.com> <4qkcbr$c9e@nizkor.almanac.bc.ca> 
<46496362wnr@stumpy.demon.co.uk>
> Date: Tue, 25 Jun 1996 13:47:22 GMT
> Lines: 20



> Cite your source for the 50,000 figure.


ehrlich606@aol.com (Ehrlich606)

Please re-read my posting again.


-- 

Jeff Roberts
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-
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life.

Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900.
            
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From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Tue Jul  2 10:56:03 PDT 1996
Article: 24356 of alt.politics.nationalism.white
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From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.politics.nationalism.white
Subject: Nation of Europa ****NEW WEBSITE****
Date: Mon, 1 Jul 1996 21:44:50 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
Lines: 31
Distribution: world
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Statement of Purpose.

a) To encourage those who belong to the Nation of Europa to  explore,
learn of and appreciate their great cultural heritage,  and the deeds
and achievements of their ancestors. 

b) To instill into those who belong to the Nation of Europa, the
strength and the knowledge to rebutt
the lies, smears and defamation of detractors, a dedication to the
values of freedom, peace, unity, solidarity and a common purpose,  and
the courage to develop and build healthy values and attitudes.

c) To revitalise those who belong to the Nation of Europa,  by promoting
a joyful love of life, a love of wisdom and learning, and  to seek new
ideas for a new Ideal.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------
                           Nation of Europa

The men of the present, to whom my heart once drove me, are strange to me 
and a mockery; and I have been driven from fatherlands and motherlands. 
So now I love only my childrens land, the undiscovered land in the 
furthest sea: I bid my sails seek it and seek it. I will make amends to my
children for being the child of my fathers: and to all the future - for 
this present!

[Page 144 Of the Land of Culture, Thus spake Zarathusthra by 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900]                 
 
                   http://www.demon.co.uk/natofeur/       
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From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Tue Jul  2 10:57:41 PDT 1996
Article: 34822 of alt.politics.white-power
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From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.politics.white-power
Subject: Nation of Europa ****NEW WEBSITE****
Date: Mon, 1 Jul 1996 21:46:03 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
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Statement of Purpose.

a) To encourage those who belong to the Nation of Europa to  explore,
learn of and appreciate their great cultural heritage,  and the deeds
and achievements of their ancestors. 

b) To instill into those who belong to the Nation of Europa, the
strength and the knowledge to rebutt
the lies, smears and defamation of detractors, a dedication to the
values of freedom, peace, unity, solidarity and a common purpose,  and
the courage to develop and build healthy values and attitudes.

c) To revitalise those who belong to the Nation of Europa,  by promoting
a joyful love of life, a love of wisdom and learning, and  to seek new
ideas for a new Ideal.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------
                           Nation of Europa

The men of the present, to whom my heart once drove me, are strange to me 
and a mockery; and I have been driven from fatherlands and motherlands. So now 
I love only my childrens land, the undiscovered land in the furthest sea: I bid
my sails seek it and seek it. I will make amends to my children for being the 
child of my fathers: and to all the future - for this present!
[Page 144 Of the land of Culture, Thus spake Zarathusthra 
by Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900]                 
 
                   http://www.demon.co.uk/natofeur/       
---------------------------------------------------------------------------


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Thu Jul  4 19:54:57 PDT 1996
Article: 48326 of alt.revisionism
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From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: TEST [1/1]
Date: Fri, 5 Jul 1996 00:01:05 +0100
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Jeff Roberts
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Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Thu Jul  4 19:54:58 PDT 1996
Article: 48327 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!nntp.teleport.com!netaxs.com!tezcat.com!imci5!imci4!newsfeed.internetmci.com!btnet!zetnet.co.uk!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: COMMUNISTS ARE LIARS [2/2]
Date: Fri, 5 Jul 1996 00:38:53 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
Lines: 993
Distribution: world
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"In early March 1943, a group totalling 500 men of the strongest
prisoners
of war were selected in the prisoner of war camp no. 126 in Smolensk in
order, it was stated, to send them to construction work. Not one of
these
prisoners of war ever returned to the camp." 

The doctor of medicine CHMYROW W.A., who also worked in the camp during
the German occupation, stated: 

"It is known to me that, approximately in the second half of February
or the beginning of March 1943, approximately 500 Red Army prisoners of
war from our camp were transported in an undisclosed direction. These
prisoners
of war were said to be going to do construction work, and therefore the
Germans selected the most powerfully built men." 

Similar statements were made by the nurses SENKOWSKAJA O.G., TIMOFEJEWA
A.J., the female witnesses ORLOVA P.M., DOBROSERDOVA E.G., and the
witness
KOTSCHETKOW W.S.. 

Where these 500 Soviet prisoners of war were actually sent from camp no.
126 is clear from the testimony of the female witness MOSKOWSKAJA A.M..


MOSKOSKAJA ALEKSANDRA MICHAILOWNA, who live on the outskirts of the city
of Smolensk and worked in the kitchen of one of the German troop
divisions
during the occupation, made a statement on 5 October 1943 to the Special
Commission for the Examination of the Atrocities of the German Invaders,
with the request to be called upon to give important eyewitness
testimony.


She told the Special Commission that once, in March 1943, upon entering
her shed, located in the farm on the banks of the Dnjepr, she found an
unknown
person, who, as it turned out, was a Russian prisoner of war. 

MOSKOWSKAJA A.M. (born 1922) stated: 

"From conversation with him, I learned the following: 

"His name was JEGOROW, first name Nikolai, from Leningrad. 

"Since the end of 1941, he had lived in German concentration camps
for prisoners of war in the city of Smolensk. 

"In early March 1943, he was sent to the Katyn forest with a column
of 100 prisoners of war from the camp. There they were all ordered,
including
Jegorow, to excavate graves containing corpses in Polish officers's
uniforms,
to drag these corpses out of the graves, and to remove all documents,
photographs,
and other objects from their pockets. It was strictly prohibited to
leave
anything in their pockets. Two prisoners of war were shot because the
German
officer found some papers on the corpses after the prisoners had already
examined them. All objects, documents, and letters removed from the
clothing
were examined by the German officers. Then the prisoners of war were
ordered
to put some of these papers back in the pockets of the corpses; the rest
were thrown onto a pile of objects and documents removed from the
corpses,
and burnt soon afterwards. Furthermore, other papers were produced from
a chest or box that the Germans had brought with them; these papers were
placed in the pockets of the corpses of the Polish officers. All the
prisoners
of war lived in the Katyn forest under fearful conditions and under
strict
guard. 

"In early April 1943, all the work planned by the Germans was finished;
the prisoners of war were not forced to go to work for three days. 

"In the night, the Germans woke them all up and took them somewhere.
The guard was reinforced. Jegorow was suspicious, and took particular
note
of everything that happened. They walked 3 to 4 hours in an unknown
direction.
They stopped in a meadow in the forest in front of a ditch. Jegorow
watched
as the Germans separated a group of prisoners of war from the rest of
the
human mass, forced them to the ditch, and then shot them. 

"The prisoners of war were excited, and started shouting and moving
about. Not far from Jegorow, a few prisoners jumped a guard, and the
other
guards ran to this spot. 

"Jegorow took advantage of the momentary confusion to run into the
darkness of the woods; at the same time, he heard shouts and shots
behind
him. 

"After this fearful tale, which will remain seared into my memory for
an entire lifetime, I felt sorry for Jegorow and invited him into my
apartment
so he could warm up and hide until he regained his strength. But Jegorow
refused. He said he absolutely had to leave that night in order to cross
the front line. But he didn't leave that night. The next morning, I
found
him still in the shed. As it turned out, he had made repeated attempts
to
go away during the night, but after he had gone fifty steps he felt weak
and was forced to return. It was probably the result of the continual
malnutrition
in the camp and the starvation during the last few days. We agreed that
he would stay one or two days with me, in order to recover his strength.
I gave him food and went to work. 

"When I came back that evening, my neighbours, BARANOWA MARIA IWANOWNA
and KABANOWSKAJA KATHERINA VIKTOROWNA, told me that the German police
had
discovered a Red Army prisoner of war in my shed during their patrol,
whom
they took away with them." 

Since a prisoner of war had been found in Moskowskaja's shed, she was
told
to report to the Gestapo, where she was accused of hiding a prisoner of
war. During her interrogation by the Gestapo, Moskowskaja denied her
relations
with this prisoner of war and claimed that she knew nothing of his
presence
in her shed. Since Moskowskaja did not admit her guilt and the prisoner
of war Jegorow did not betray her, she was released by the Gestapo. 

Jegorow also told Moskowskaja that a group of prisoners of war working
in
the Katyn forest, in addition to digging up the bodies were further
occupied
with bringing corpses from other locations. The corpses transported to
the
Katyn forest were piled up in the graves, together with the corpses
which
had previously been dug up. 

The fact that a great number of corpses of persons shot by the Germans
at
other locations were transported to the graves at Katyn is also
confirmed
by the testimony of the mechanic SUCHATSCHEW. 

SUCHATSCHEW P.F. (born 1912), a mechanical engineer from
"Roskglawchjleb",
who worked for the Germans as a machinist in the city mills of Smolensk,
filed a request on 8.10.43 to be permitted to testify. 

When he appeared, he stated: 

"In the mill, during the second half of March 1943, I once talked to
a German driver who spoke a little Russian. After it came out that he
was
carrying meal for a division in the village of Sawenky and would be
coming
back to Smolensk the next day, I asked him to take him with me in order
that I might have the opportunity to buy fats. In so doing, I was
calculating
that riding in a German truck would eliminate the risk of my being
stopped
at a checkpoint. 

"The German driver agreed for a sum of money. We left the same day
at about 10:00 P.M., taking the SmolenskWitebsk highway. 

"There were two of us in the truck: me and the German driver. It was
a bright night; the moon was shining, but the fog hindered visibility.
About
2223 kilometres from Smolensk, there was a curve at a destroyed bridge
with
a rather steep embankment. We left the highway and travelled down the
embankment;
then a truck suddenly appeared out of the fog. Either our brakes were
not
very good or the driver was not very experienced; we could not brake the
truck, and, since the road was rather narrow, we had a collision with
the
truck coming in the opposite direction. The collision was not a bad one,
since the driver of the oncoming truck succeeded in swerving out of the
way, as a result only scraping the sides of both trucks. The oncoming
truck
turned over however, and fell down the embankment. Our truck stayed
where
it was. The driver and I got out of the driver's seat and went to the
overturned
truck. 

"I immediately smelt a very strong stench of corpses, which probably
came from the truck. I came closer, and saw that the truck was loaded
with
a cargo covered with tarpaulins and tied down with ropes. The ropes
broke
due to the fall, and part of the cargo fell out. It was a cruel cargo. 

"They were human corpses in military uniforms. As I remember, 67 men,
including a German driver and 2 Germans armed with machine guns, stood
around
the truck. The others were Russian prisoners of war, since they spoke
Russian
and were clothed correspondingly. 

"The Germans began to curse my driver, then they tried to get the truck
back up onto its wheels again. After two minutes, another two trucks
arrived
at the scene of the accident and stopped there. From these trucks came a
group of Germans and Russian prisoners of war, a total of 10 men, and
came
up to us. Using our combined strength, we began to lift the truck. I
took
the opportunity and quietly asked one of the Russian prisoners of war:
'What's
that?' Just as quietly, he answered: 'I don't know how many nights we've
already spent transporting corpses into the Katyn forest'." 

"The overturned truck was still not upright when a German
noncommissioned
officer approached me and my driver, and ordered us to drive on
immediately.


"Since we had not suffered any real damage during the collision, my
driver turned the truck back onto the highway and then drove on. 

"As we drove past the two trucks that had arrived later and were covered
with tarpaulins, I smelt a fearful stench of corpses." 

SUCHATSCHEW's testimony is confirmed by the testimony of Jegorow
Wladimir
Afansjewitsch, who served in the police during the occupation. 

Jegorow testified that, at the end of March and the early days of April
1943, as he guarded the bridges in the line of duty at the intersection
of the MoscowMinsk and SmolenskWitebsk highways, he repeatedly observed
large trucks covered with tarpaulins, exuding the stench of corpses,
passing
in the direction of Smolensk. Several persons, some of who carried
weapons
and doubtlessly were German, always sat in the truck cabins and on top
of
the tarpaulins. 

Jegorow mentioned his observations to the chief of police at the police
station in the village of Archipowka, Golownew Kuzma Demjanowitsch, who
advised him to keep quiet about it and added: "That has nothing to
do with us, we don't need to get mixed up in German affairs." 

That the Germans transported corpses by truck to the Katyn forest was
also
stated by JAKOWLEWSOKOLOW FLOR MAKSINOWITSCH, born 1896, former supply
agent
for the canteen of the Smolensk Trusts for dining rooms, and chief of
the
police district of Katyn during the German occupation. 

He reported that, in early April 1943, he personally observed four
trucks
covered with tarpaulins on which sat several men armed with machine guns
and weapons, turning off the highway into the Katyn forest. A strong
stench
of corpses was perceptible from the trucks. 

All the above mentioned eyewitness testimony permits the conclusion that
the Germans also shot Poles at other locations. In bringing the corpses
to the Katyn forest, the Germans pursued a triple objective: first, to
wipe
out all traces of their own crimes; second, to blame all their crimes on
the Soviets, and third, to multiple the number of "victims of
Bolshevism"
in the graves in the Katyn forest. 

"Visits" to the graves at Katyn 

In April 1943, after the German invaders had finished all preparatory
measures
at the graves in the Katyn forest, they began a widespread agitation in
the press and radio, attempting to blame the Soviets for the atrocities
which they had themselves committed against the Polish prisoners of war.
One of their methods of provocative agitation consisted of organizing
"visits"
to the graves at Katyn by the residents of Smolensk and neighbouring
areas,
as well as by "delegations" from the countries occupied by the
German invaders and in a position of subservience to them. 

The Special Commission interrogated a number of witnesses who
participated
in the "visit" to the graves at Katyn. 

The witness, SUBKOW K.P., an anatomical pathologist working in Smolensk
in his capacity as forensic expert, testified to the Special Commission:


"...The clothing on the corpses, especially the officers' greatcoats,
boots, and belts, held together rather well. The metallic parts of their
clothing, such as belt buckles, buttons, hooks, boot nails, etc. were
not
completely rusted and still retained their metallic lustre at places.
The
tissue of the corpses made available for examination, the tissue of the
face, neck, and hands, was chiefly grey in colour, in individual cases
greenish
brown; but there was no complete decomposition of the tissues, there was
no putrefaction. In individual cases, tendons lay exposed, whitish in
colour;
a number of muscles were visible. During my stay at the excavations,
people
were working on the floor of a deep ditch, separating the bodies and
carrying
them up out of the grave. They used spades and other tools to do so,
grabbing
the corpses with their hands, and dragging them by the arms, feet, and
clothing
>from  one place to another. In no individual case could one observe that
the bodies fell apart, or that individual parts of them came away. 

"With respect to the above, I came to the conclusion that the period
of time during which the corpses had remained in the earth absolutely
could
not amount to three years, as the Germans claimed, but must be much
less.
Since I know that the decomposition of bodies in mass graves, especially
without coffins, occurs much more rapidly than in individual graves, I
came
to the conclusion that the mass shootings of the Poles must have been
carried
out about one and a half years ago, and must date from the autumn of
1941
or early 1942. 

"As a result of visiting the excavations, I became firmly convinced
that this gigantic atrocity was the act of the Germans." 

Testimonies that the clothing on the corpses, the metal parts, the shoes
and the corpses themselves, were well preserved, were offered by all the
witnesses who had participated in "visits" to the graves at Katyn
and were then heard by the Special Commission, i.e.,: the foreman of the
Smolensk water pipeline network, KUTZEW J.S.; the female head of the
school
at Katyn, WETROVA E.N.; the female telephonist of the Smolensk transport
office, SCHTSCHEDROVA N.G.; the resident of the village of Borok,
ALEZEJEW
M.A.; the resident of the village of Nowye Bateki, KRISWOSERZEW N.G.;
the
duty officer at Gnesdowo station, SAWWATEJEW J.W.; the female resident
of
Smolensk, PUSCHTSCHINA E.A.; the doctor of medicine from the 2nd
hospital
at Smolensk, SIDORUK T.A.; the doctor of medicine from the same
hospital,
KESSAREW P.M., and others. 

German attempts to wipe away the traces of their crime 

The "visits" organized by the Germans failed to achieve their
aim. All persons who visited the graves became convinced that they were
witnessing the gross and obvious provocation of the German fascists. 

Therefore measures were taken by the Germans to silence all doubters. 

The Special Commission interrogated a number of witnesses who have
reported
how the Germans persecuted persons who doubted the truth of the
provocation
or did not believe it. They were fired from their jobs, arrested, and
threatened
with shooting. The Commission has established two cases of shooting of
persons
who "couldn't keep their mouths shut". This tactic of violence
was carried out against the former German policeman SAGAINOW and against
JEGOREW A.M., who participated in the excavations in the Katyn forest. 

Testimonies relating to the persecution by the Germans of those persons
who expressed doubt after visiting the graves in the Katyn forest were
offered
by: 

The female attendant at pharmacy no. 1 of Smolensk, SUBAREWA M.S.; the
assistant
to the doctor of hygiene for the Health Division of the Stalinist
District
of Smolensk, KOSLOWA W.F.; and others. 

The former head of the Katyn police district, JAKOWLEWSOKOLOW F.M.
testified:


"A situation arose which caused the most serious disquiet among the
German command, and urgent instructions were issued to all local police
offices to prohibit all harmful talk and to arrest all those persons who
expressed mistrust regarding the 'Katyn affair'". 

"Such instructions were personally issued to me, as head of the police
district, by the following persons: at the end of May 1943, by the
German
commander of the Katyn village, Lt. Col. BRAUN, and, at the beginning of
June, by the head of the police district of Smolensk, KAMANEZKII. 

"I issued instructions to the police in my district stating that all
persons expressing mistrust, and all doubters of the truthfulness of the
German communications on the shooting of the Polish prisoners of war by
the Bolsheviks, were to be arrested and brought to police headquarters.


"In forwarding these instructions from the German authorities, I
hypocritically
concealed the fact that I was myself convinced that the 'Katyn affair'
was
a German provocation. I became completely convinced of it after
participating
in the 'excursion' in the Katyn forest." 

When the German occupation troops noticed that the "excursions"
by the local populace to the graves at Katyn were not successful, they
issued
an order in the summer of 1943 to fill in the graves. 

Before their withdrawal from Smolensk, the Germans hastily began to wipe
away the traces of their atrocities. The country house occupied by the
"Staff
of the Construction Battalion 537" was burnt to the ground. The Germans
searched for the three girls, Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and Konachowskaja,
in the village of Borok, in order to take them with them or to
annihilate
them. They also sought their "chief witness" KISSELEW P.G., who
was, however, successful in concealing himself and his family. The
Germans
burnt his house. 

They also attempted to arrest other "witnesses": the former foreman
of Gnesdowo station, IWANOW S.W.; the former duty officer of the same
station,
SAWWATEJEW J.W.; and the former railway carriage coupler at the station
at Smolensk, SACHAROW M.D. 

. 

During the very last days before the withdrawal from Smolensk the German
fascist occupiers also searched for the professors Basilewski and
Jefimow.
These only succeeded in escaping kidnapping or death by hiding
themselves
in the nick of time. 

But the German fascist invaders were still not successful in covering
their
traces and concealing their crime. 

Forensic examination of the exhumed corpses proves with irrefutable
clarity
that the shooting of the Polish prisoners of war was committed by the
Germans
themselves. 

We proceed now to the files of the forensic expert Commission 

Files of the forensic expert Commission 

By order of the Special Commission for the examination and investigation
of the circumstances of the shooting of the Polish officer prisoners of
war by the German fascist invaders in the Katyn forest (in the vicinity
of the city of Smolensk), the forensic investigative commission,
consisting
of: the superior forensic expert of the People's Commissariat for Health
Matters of the USSR, Director of the State Scientific Research Institute
for Forensic Medicine of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters of
the USSR, W.J. PROZOROWSKI; 

Professor for Forensic Medicine of the 2nd Moscow State Medical
Institute,
Dr. W.M. SMOLJANINOW; 

Professor of anatomical pathology, Dr. D.N. WYROPAIJEW; 

the eldest Scientific Official of the anatomical medical division of the
State Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the
People's
Commissariat for Health Matters of the USSR, Dr. P.S. SEMENOWSKI; 

the eldest Scientific Official of the anatomical medical division of the
State Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the
People's
Commissariat for Health Matters of the USSR, Professor Ph.D. SCWAIKOW; 

with the participation of: 

the head forensic medical expert of the West front, Major of the medical
services, NIKOLSKI; 

the forensic medical expert for Army N., Captain of the medical
services,
BUSSOEDOW: 

the chief of the anatomical pathology laboratory 92, Major of the
medical
services, SUBBOTIN; 

the Major of the medical services, OGLOBIN; 

Doctor of medicine and Lt. Col. of Medicine, SADYKOW; 

Lt. of Medicine PUSCHKARJOWA; 

The exhumation and forensic examination of the corpses of the Polish
prisoners
of war from the grounds of Kosji Gori in the Katyn forest, 15 kilometres
>from  the city of Smolensk, was carried out in the period from 16 to 23
January
1944. The bodies of the Polish prisoners of war were buried in a common
grave measuring 60 x 60 x 3 m, in addition to another grave measuring 7
x 6 x 3.5 m. From the graves, 925 bodies were exhumed and examined. The
exhumation and forensic examination of the bodies were carried out to
determine
the following: 

a) the identity of the dead 

b) the cause of death 

c) the length of time they had been in the ground. 

The circumstances of the matter (see document of the Special
Commission);


Objective data: (see the record of the forensic medical examination of
the
bodies). 

CONCLUSION 

The forensic medical expert commission, based on the findings of the
forensic
medical examination of the bodies, came to the following conclusion: 

Following the excavation of the graves and exposure of the corpses, it
was
established that: 

a) among the great number of bodies of the Polish prisoners of war were
corpses in civilian clothing, the number of which, compared to the total
number of the examined bodies (2:925 of the exhumed bodies) is slight;
the
bodies wore military footwear; 

b) the clothing of the dead prisoners of war testifies to their
belonging
to the officers and noncommissioned officers of the Polish army; 

c) incisions in the pockets, which were turned inside out, as well as in
the boots, were discovered during the examination, revealing, as a rule,
traces of previous examination of the articles of clothing (military
greatcoats,
trousers, etc.) on the bodies; 

d) in some cases, the pockets of the articles of clothing bore no
incisions.
In these cases, just in the pockets which had been cut or torn open,
inside
the jacket linings, trouserbands, foot rags and socks, newspaper
clippings,
brochures, prayer books, postage stamps, opened and unopened letters,
receipts,
medals, and other documents such as valuables (1 gold piece, golden
dollars,
tobacco pipes, pocket knives, cigarette paper, handkerchiefs and other
articles,
were discovered; 

e) some of the documents (which were not subjected to any particular
examination)
exhibited dates from the period between 12 November 1940 to 20.6.1941; 

f) the material of the clothing, especially the military greatcoats,
jackets,
trousers, and underwear, are well preserved and could only be torn by
hand
with difficulty; 

g) a small number of bodies (20:925 of the exhumed bodies) had their
hands
tied behind their backs with white braided cord; 

h) the condition of the clothing on the bodies, particularly the fact
that
the jackets, shirts,military belts, trousers, and underwear were
buttoned
up, boots or shoes tied, neckerchiefs and neckties bound around the
necks,
suspenders buttoned up and the shirts tucked into the trousers, shows
that
no exterior examination of the torso and limbs had been undertaken; 

The wellpreserved condition skin tissues of the head, and the
nonexistence
of any incisions therein or in the skin tissues of the chest or abdomen
(except for 3:925 cases), or other signs of expert activity, shows that
the bodies had not been subjected to forensic examination, a conclusion
confirmed by an examination of the bodies exhumed by the forensic expert
commission. 

The exterior and interior examination of the 925 bodies justifies the
statement
that the bodies exhibit gunshot wounds on the head and neck. In four
cases,
these are accompanied by damage to the skull caused by a hard, heavy
object.
In addition, some cases of injury to the abdomen, together with injuries
to the head, were established. As a rule, there was one entry hole, more
rarely two, in the back of the head near the nape of the neck, in the
cavity
in the nape of the neck, or the edge of the same cavity. In some cases,
the entry wounds are on the back of the neck, at the height of the 1st,
2nd, or 3rd cervical vertebra. Most frequently, the exit holes are in
the
forehead, but, more rarely, in the temple or crown of the head, or in
the
face or neck. In 27 cases, the bullets remained in the body (without
exit
holes). At the terminus of the entry wound channel, under the soft
tissues
of the skull or bones thereof, in the cerebral membranes, or in the
cerebral
matter, deformed, slightly deformed, or severely deformed jacketed
bullets
were discovered, such as are used as ammunition for submachine guns,
mostly
of 7.65 m, The number of entry holes in the bones of the neck justifies
the conclusion that, during the shooting, firearms of two different
calibres
were used, most frequently, of less than 8 mm, i.e, 7.65 mm or less; in
a few cases, calibres of more than 8 mm, i.e., 9 mm, were used. 

The state of the fractures of the bones of the skull, and, in many
cases,
residues of gunpowder discovered on the exit holes or immediately close
by, show that the shots were fired at point blank range, or very close
range.
The superimposition of the entry and exit holes shows that the holes
must
have been fired from behind when the head was bent down. The entry
channel
traversed vital parts of the brain, or immediately adjacent to these, so
that the destruction of the tissues of the brain must have caused death.


The injuries observed in the bones of the top of the skull, caused by a
blunt, hard, and heavy object inflicted simultaneously with the gunshot
wounds to the head, could not, by themselves, come into question as the
cause of death. The forensic examinations, carried out during the period
>from  16 to 23 January 1944, revealed that the 925 bodies were neither in
a state of decomposition nor putrefaction, i.e., they were in the
initial
stages of the loss of moisture (most frequently and particularly visible
in the chest or abdominal regions; fat and wax separation was most
particularly
visible in bodies which had lain in direct contact with the ground);
i.e,
the tissues of the bodies exhibited a loss of moisture and a separation
of fat and wax. Particularly worthy of note is the fact that the muscles
of the torso and limbs retained their macroscopic condition perfectly,
while
their former colour was almost perfectly retained; the interior organs
of
the chest and abdomen were also well preserved in relation to their
configuration;
the heart muscle, upon incision, clearly retained its usual structure
and
colour. The brain exhibited characteristic structural conditions, with a
clearly recognizable border between white and grey matter. 

In addition to their macroscopic investigation of the tissues and bodily
organs, the Forensic Expert Commission took material for the subsequent
microscopic and chemical laboratory examination. The condition of the
earth
at the burial site must have played a certain role in the preservation
of
the tissues and bodily organs. 

After the excavation of the graves and exposure of the corpses, the
condition
of the bodies, following exposure to the air for a period, began to
influenced
by the warmth and moisture of the spring and summer of 1943, a factor
which
could strongly encourage the process of decomposition. But the degree of
moisture loss, and the fat and wax separation in the bodies, the
especially
good preservation of the muscles and interior organs, as well as the
articles
of clothing, justify us in stating that the bodies had only been buried
a short time. If we compare the condition of the bodies in the graves at
Kosji Gory with the bodies found at other burial sites in the city of
Smolensk
and the near vicinity (GEDEONOWKA, MAGALENSCHTISCHINA, READOWKA, camp
126
at KRASNYI BOR, etc.) (see the Report of the Forensic Medical Expert
Commission
of 22 October 1943), we must conclude that the bodies of the Polish
prisoners
of war in the Kosji Gory region were interred about 2 years ago. This is
also confirmed by the findings of the documents in the articles of
clothing,
indicating that an earlier point in time for burial cannot be considered
(see point e, page 48, and documentary table of contents). 

Based on the findings of the examination, the Forensic Medical Expert
Commission
has established that: 

1) the killings of the officer and noncommissioned officer prisoners of
war took place by shooting; 

2) that the shootings took place during a period approximately 2 years
ago,
that is, in the months of SeptemberDecember 1941; 

3) that the valuables and documents dating from 1941 and discovered by
the
Forensic Expert Commission in the articles of clothing on the bodies,
are
proof that the German fascist authorities failed to carry out a thorough
examination of the bodies in the spring and summer of 1943; the
documents
discovered prove that the shootings took place after the month of June
1941;


4) that the Germans dissected only a very small number of the bodies of
Polish prisoners of war in 1943; 

5) that the manner and type of shooting of the Polish prisoners of war
is
identical with the shooting of peaceful Soviet citizens and Soviet
prisoners
of war. This type of shooting was practised by the German fascist
authorities
on a broad scale in the temporarily occupied regions of the USSR,
including
the cities of Smolensk, Orel, Kharkow, Krasnodar, and Woronesch. 

The Superior Forensic Official of the People's Commissariat for Health
Matters
of the USSR, Director of the State Scientific Research Institute for
Health
Medicine of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters of the USSR,
W.J.
PROZOROWSKI; 

Professor of forensic medicine at the 2nd Moscow State Medical
Institute,
Dr. W.M. SMOLJANINOW; 

Professor of anatomical pathology, Dr. D.N. WYROPAEW; 

The eldest scientific official of the Thanatological Division of the
State
Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the People's
Commissariat
for Health Matters of the USSR, Dr. P.S. SEMENOWSKI; 

The eldest scientific official of the forensic medical division of the
State
Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the People's
Commissariat
for Health Matters of the USSR, Prof. M.D. SCHWAIKOWA. 

Smolensk, 24 January 1944. 

Documents found on the corpses 

In addition to the information proven in the documents of the forensic
medical
report, the time of the shootings of the Polish prisoners of war by the
Germans (autumn 1941, not the spring of 1940, as claimed by the
Germans),
was also established by documents discovered during the excavation of
the
graves, dating not only from the second half of 1940, but also from the
spring and summer (March -June) of 1941. 

Among the documents discovered by the forensic experts, the following
merit
particular attention: 

1) on body 92: 

A letter from Warsaw in the Russian language addressed to the Central
Office
for Prisoners of War, Moscow, Kuibuschewstreet no. 12. In the letter,
"Sophie"
asks "Sigon", to let her know the whereabouts of her husband,
Thomas Sigon. The letter is dated 12.9.1940. The envelope bears German
postage
cancellation "Warsaw IX40", and cancellation "Moscow Post
Office 9 Expedition 28/IX40", as well a notice written in red ink,
in the Russian language, reading "Find camp and deliver 15/XI40"
(signature illegible). 

2) on body 4: 

A registered postcard no. 0112 from Tarnopol with cancellation "Tarnopol
12/X40". The manuscript text and address are obliterated. 

3) on body 101: 

Receipt no. 10293 dated 19.XII.1939, issued in camp Koselsk, for pawn of
a gold watch accepted by LEWANDOWSKY EDUARD ADAMOWITSCH. The reverse of
this receipt bears a note dated 14 March 1941, stating that the watch
had
been sold to "Juwelirtorg". 

4) on body 46: 

A receipt issued in Starobelskyi camp on 16.XII.1939 for the pawn of a
gold
watch accepted by ARASCHKEWITSCH WLADIMIR RUDOLPHOWITSCH. The reverse of
the receipt bears a note dated 25 March 1941, stating that the watch had
been sold to "Juwelirtorg". 

5) on body 71: 

A devotional image of paper with a picture of Jesus, discovered between
pages 144 and 145 of a Catholic prayer book. The reverse of the
devotional
image bears a legible note with signature "Jadvinja" and date
"4 April 1941". 

6) on body 46: 

A receipt issued in camp no. 1ON on 5 May 1941 for the deposit of a sum
of money in the amount of 225 rubles accepted by ARASCHKEWITSCH. 

7) on the same body (46): 

A receipt issued in camp no. 1ON on 6 April 1941 for the deposit of a
sum
of money in the amount of 102 rubles accepted by ARASCHKEWITSCH. 

8) on body 101: 

A receipt issued in camp no. 1ON on 18 May 1941 for the deposit of a sum
of money in the amount of 175 rubles accepted by LEWANDOWSKY. 

9) on body 53: 

An unforwarded postcard in the Polish language with the address: 

Warsaw, Bagatelja 15, house 47, 

Irene Kutschinskaja, date: 20 June 1941. 

Sender: Stanislav Kutschinskij. 

Conclusions 

>From  the totality of material available to the Special Commission,
particularly
>from  the testimonies of the 100 witnesses interrogated by the
Commission,
the facts of the case as examined by the forensic experts, and the
documents
and valuables taken from the graves in the Katyn forest, the following
conclusions
may be drawn with irrefutable clarity: 

1. The Polish prisoners of war in the three camps west of Smolensk were
housed there until the beginning of the war, were engaged in road
construction
work, and remained there even after the invasion of Smolensk by the
German
conqueror, until September 1943. 

2. In the autumn of 1941, mass shootings of Polish prisoners of war
taken
>from  the above mentioned camps were carried out by the German occupying
power in the Katyn forest. 

3. The mass shootings of the Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest
was carried out by the German armed forces under the cover name "Staff
537 of the Construction Battalion", led by Lt. Col. Arnes and his
associates
Lt. Reckst and Lt. Hott. 

4. As a result of the deterioration of the general military situation
for
Germany in early 1943, the German occupier took measures, provocative in
nature and intended to attribute their own crime to the Soviets, with a
view to causing hostility between the Russians and the Poles; 

5. To this purpose, 

a) the German fascist invaders attempted, through the use of persuasion,
threats, and barbaric tortures, to find "witnesses" among the
Soviet citizens from whom perjured statements were extorted to the
effect
that the Polish prisoners of war had been shot by the Soviets in the
spring
of 1940; 

b) the German occupation authorities, in the spring of 1943, transported
the corpses of Polish prisoners of war from other locations and shot by
them at other sites, and laid them in the excavated graves of the Katyn
forest in an attempt to wipe away the traces of their own bestiality and
to increase the number of the "victims of Bolshevism" in the Katyn
forest; 

c) while the German occupation authorities spread their provocation,
they
used approximately 500 Russian prisoners of war for the job of
excavating
the graves at Katyn in order to remove all documents and exhibits which
might prove German authorship of the crime. The Russian prisoners of war
were shot immediately after termination of this work. 

6. The findings of the Forensic Expert Commission have established
beyond
doubt: 

a) the time of the shootings: the autumn of 1941; 

b) the German executioners, in shooting the Polish prisoners of war,
used
the same methods (pistol shots in the back of the neck), as in the mass
shootings of Soviet citizens in other cities, particularly, Orel,
Woronesch,Krasnodar,
and Smolensk. 

7. The conclusions drawn from the statements of eyewitnesses and the
forensic
report on the shootings of the Polish prisoners of war by the Germans in
the autumn of 1941 are fully confirmed by the exhibits and documents
discovered
in the graves at Katyn. 

8. In shooting the Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest, the
German
fascist invaders were pursuing a consistent policy of the physical
extermination
of the Slavic peoples. 

President of the Special Commission, Member of the Special State
Commission,
Academician BURDENKO; 

Member of the Special State Commission, Academician ALEKSEJ TOLSTOI; 

Member of the Special State Commission, Mythropolitos NIKOLAI; 

President of the AllSlavic Committee, Lieutenant General GUNDOROW A.S.;


President of the Executive Committee of the Association of the Red Cross
and Red Half Moon, S.A. POLESNIKOW; 

People's Commissar for Education of the RSFSR, Academician W.P.
POTEMKIN;


Chief of the Forensic Head Office of the Red Army, CoronelGeneral E.J.
SMIRNOW;


President of the Executive Committee for the Region of Smolensk, R.E.
MEINIKOW.


Smolensk, 24 January 1944 

 


CODOH can be reached at: 

http://www.psnw.com/~brsmith/

or by post

Post Office Box 3267 
Visalia CA 93278 
USA

Jeff Roberts
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Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
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WAR CRIMES TRIALS

KATYN: How the Soviets Manufactured War Crime Documents for the
Nuremberg Court
Translator's note: 

The following is a typical example of Nuremberg "evidence".
The "testimony" consists of "written statements" said
to have been signed by "eyewitnesses", but which are simply "quoted"
in a "report" written by the Stalinists and read aloud (in excerpt
form) by the Soviet prosecutor. The "statements" are not attached
to the report, the "witnesses" do not appear in court, and the
"original documents" are not attached. 

The Soviets were assigned by the Nuremberg Tribunal with the task of
introducing
all the evidence of German atrocities in Eastern Europe. Nearly all
Nuremberg
evidence is of similar quality, if not worse. 

The "forensic report" quoted in this "report" was the
ONLY forensic report ever introduced into evidence at Nuremberg. 

The victims at Katyn were buried in greatcoats and boots in perfect
condition.
If they had been alive doing heavy road construction work for another
year
and a half, from April 1940 until September 1941 as claimed by the
Russians,
these articles would have shown severe wear. And, of course, the victims
would have been sending and receiving correspondence for another year
and
a half. The 15,000 victims must have had hundreds of thousands of
relatives,
friends, and acquaintances in Poland, yet nothing was heard from them
after
April 1940; no letter or postcard written by any of these men after
April
1940 has ever been produced. All mail sent to them after April 1940 was
returned by the Russians, marked "Return to Sender Gone Away".


Parts of this document have an air of very great realism, even though
it is known to be false from beginning to end: the Soviets admitted
their
guilt for the Katyn shootings in November 1989. The report describes how
perjured statements are obtained using procedures which are identical to
those of the witchcraft trials of the Middle Ages. This is why civilised
countries have rules against oral and written hearsay and prior
consistent
statements (i.e., the multiplication of "evidence" by repeating
the same thing 10 times), and a requirement that cross examination be
permitted
in some form. 

Personally, I consider this document by far the most important document
ever introduced into evidence at Nuremberg, and possibly in any other
war
crimes trial as well. 

Note the constant references to totally irrelevant factual material
(such
as the title and author of a science book possessed by one of the
Russian
"witnesses") just as if they were really proof of something. It
reminds one of the joke: "My dog treed a 300 pound possum last week,
and if you don't believe it, I'll show you the tree he treed him in."


Carlos W. Porter 

DOCUMENT 054 USSR 

Report by a Special Soviet Commission, 24 January 1944, concerning the
shooting
of Polish officer prisoners of war in the forest of Katyn. The
executions
had been carried out in autumn 1941 by the German "Staff of the
Construction
Battalion 537". In spring 1943 the Germans, by blackmailing witnesses
into giving false evidence and by other means, had tried to make it
appear
that the Soviet NKWD was responsible for the shooting of the 11,000
victims.


Description 

Brochure in the Russian language from the year 1944. 56 pages in octavo
format, later bound. Signature of German translation. 

REPORT 

of the Special Commission for the examination and investigation of the
circumstances
of the shooting of Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest by the
German
fascist invaders. 

The Special Commission for the examination and investigation of the
circumstances
of the shooting of Polish prisoners of war in the forest of Katyn (near
Smolensk) by the German fascist invaders was formed by order of the
Special
State Commission to examine and investigate the atrocities of the
fascist
German invaders and their accomplices. 

The Commission consists of the following persons: 

Member of the Special State Commission, Academician N.N. BURDENKO
(President
of the Commission); 

Member of the on the Special State Commission, Academician ALEKSEJ
TOLSTOI;


Member of the Special State Commission, Mythropolitos NIKOLAI; 

President of the AllSlavic Committee, Lieutenant General GUNDOROW A.S.;


President of the Executive Committee of the Association of the Red Cross
and Red Half Moon, POLESNIKOW S.A.; 

People's Commissar for Education of the RSFSR'Russian Soviet Federal
Socialist Republic', Academician POTEMKIN W.P.; 

Chief of the Forensic Head Office of the Red Army, CoronelGeneral
SMIRNOW
E.I.; 

President of the Executive Committee for the Region of Smolensk,
MEINIKOW
R.E.. 

To deal with the tasks laid before the Commission, the Commission called
upon the following forensic experts: 

Superior Forensic Expert of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters
of the USSR, Director of the Scientific Research Institute for Forensic
Medicine PROZOROWSKI W.I.; head of the Professorship of Forensic
Medicine
of the 2nd Moscow Medical Institute, Doctor of Medical Sciences,
SMOLJANINOW
W.M.; eldest scientific expert of the State Scientific Research
Institute
for Forensic Medicine of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters of
the USSR, SEMENOWSKI P.S.; eldest scientific official of the State
Scientific
Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the People's Commissariat
for
Health Matters of the USSR, Professor SCHWAIKOWA M.D.; chief pathologist
of the Major Front of the Medical Service, Professor WYROPAIJEW D.N.. 

The extensive material laid before his associates and the forensic
medical
experts who arrived in the city of Smolensk on 26 September 1943,
immediately
after the liberation of the city, and who conducted the preliminary
study
and investigation of the circumstances of all atrocities committed by
the
Germans, was made available to the Special Commission by Member of the
Special
State Commission, Professor BURDENKO N.N.. 

The Special Commission carried out on-the-spot investigations and found
that the graves of the Polish prisoners of war shot by the German
occupiers
are located 15 kilometres from the city of Smolensk, on the Witebsker
highway,
in the region of the Katyn forest known as "Kosji Gori", 200 metres
southwest of the highway, in the direction of the Dnjipr river. 

The graves were excavated by order of the Special Commission, and in the
presence of all members of the Special Commission and the forensic
experts.
A great number of corpses in Polish uniforms were discovered in the
graves.
According to the calculations of the forensic experts, the number of
corpses
amounts, in total, to 11,000. 

The forensic experts thoroughly examined the disinterred corpses and all
objects and exhibits found in the graves and on the corpses. 

Simultaneous with the excavation of the graves and the examination of
the
corpses, the Special Commission carried out interrogations of the
numerous
witnesses and the local populace, whose testimonies precisely
established
the time and circumstances of the crime committed by the German
occupiers.


The following is clear from the testimonies of the witnesses: 

The Katyn Forest 

The Katyn forest was always a favourite holiday spot for the people of
the
city of Smolensk. 

Those who lived in the vicinity pastured their livestock in the Katyn
forest
and cut wood. There were no restrictions or prohibitions against
entering
the Katyn forest. 

This was the case in the Katyn forest until the outbreak of the war. The
"Promstrachkasse" combat engineers camp which was only dissolved
in July 1941 was still located in the forest in the summer of 1941.
Following
the occupation of the city of Smolensk by the German invader, quite a
different
system prevailed in the Katyn forest. The forest began to be guarded by
reinforced patrols, and numerous warning notices appeared, stating that
all persons who entered the forest without special permits would be
shot.


Especially strictly guarded was that part of the Katyn forest known as
"Kosji
Gori", as well as the region along the banks of the Dnjepr, where a
summer house rest centre for the NKWD offices at Smolensk was located
700
metres from where the graves of the Polish prisoners of war were
discovered.
After the arrival of the Germans, a German office was created at this
location,
called "the Staff of the Construction Battalion 537". 

Polish prisoners of war in the region of Smolensk 

The Special Commission has established that, prior to the conquest of
the
city of Smolensk by the German occupiers, Polish prisoners of war,
officers
and enlisted men, worked on the construction and repair of the highways
in the west districts of the region. The Polish prisoners of war were
housed
in three camps, i.e., camp no. 1ON, no. 2ON, and no. 3ON, which were
located
approximately 2545 kilometres west of the city of Smolensk. 

It has been established, based on the testimony of witnesses and
documentary
proof, that the above named camps could not be evacuated in time due to
the unfavourable conditions after the commencement of military
operations.


All Polish prisoners of war, some of the guard personnel, and the camp
employees,
fell, for this reason, into German captivity. 

The former head of camp no. 1ON, Major of Security WETOSCHINIKOW W.M.,
interrogated
by the Special Commission, stated: 

"I awaited the order relating to the dissolution of the camp. But
"phone";
connections with the city of Smolensk were interrupted. Therefore I
drove
together with a few fellow employees to Smolensk to clarify the
situation.
I found the situation in Smolensk tense. I turned to the head of railway
traffic for the Smolensk stretch of the western railway, Comrade IWANOW,
with a request to provide the camp with 'train'; carriages to evacuate
the Polish prisoners of war. Comrade IWANOW answered, however, that I
could
not count on that. I made attempts to get in connection with Moscow to
obtain
permission to cover the distance by foot, but I was not successful. 

"At this time, Smolensk was already cut off from the camp by the
Germans,
and I don't know what happened to the Polish prisoners of war and the
guard
personnel who remained behind in the camp." 

Engineer IWANOW S.W., head of traffic for the Smolensk stretch of the
western
railway in July 1941, stated to the Special Commission: 

"The administration of the camp for Polish prisoners of war contacted
my office with a request to obtain train carriages for the evacuation of
the Poles, but we had no carriages available. We were furthermore unable
to direct any carriages to the Gusino stretch, since the stretch was
already
under fire. For this reason, we could not consider the request of the
camp
administration. Thus, the Polish prisoners of war remained behind in the
region of Smolensk." 

That the Polish prisoners of war remained behind in the camps of the
region
of Smolensk was confirmed by the testimony of the numerous witnesses,
who
had seen these Poles in the vicinity of the city of Smolensk in the
early
months of the occupation until the month of September 1941. 

The female witness SASCHENEW Marija Akeksandrowna, a teacher at the
primary
school of the village of Senjkowo, stated to the Special Commission that
she had hidden one of the Polish prisoners of war in the attic of her
house
after he had escaped from the camp. 

"The Pole wore a Polish military uniform, which I immediately recognized
since I had seen the groups of Polish prisoners of war in 1940-41 on the
highways, working under guard. I was very interested in this Pole since
he, as it turned out, had been a primary school teacher in Poland before
his callup. Since I had myself graduated from teacher's training college
and wanted to be a teacher, I struck up a conversation with him. He told
me that he had attended a teacher's training college in Poland, then
went
to a military school and became a lieutenant in the reserve. Upon the
outbreak
of hostilities between Poland and Germany, he was called up for active
military
service. He was in BreskLitovsk and was taken prisoner by units of the
Red
Army. He stayed in a camp near Smolensk for over a year. 

"When the Germans came and occupied the Polish camp, a hard system
prevailed there. The Germans did not consider the Poles to be human
beings,
and pushed them around and mistreated them in every possible way. There
were cases in which Poles were shot without any reason. So he decided to
escape. He told me of his own accord that his wife was also a teacher
and
that he had two brothers and a sister." 

When he went away the following day, he mentioned a name which SASCHNEWA
noted in a book. The book, presented'to the Special Commission' by
SASHNEWA, "Practical Exercises in the Natural Sciences" by Jagodowsky,
contains the following note on the last page: 

"LOECK, Jusef and Sophia, city of Smostjie, Agorodnaja Street no. 25."


The list'of Katyn shooting victims' published by the Germans contains
the name LOECK Jusef under no. 3796 as having been shot in the spring of
1940 at Kosji Gori in the Katyn forest. 

>From  the German reports, it therefore appears that LOECK Jusef was shot
one year before his acquaintance with the female witness Saschnewa. 

The witness DANILENKOW N.W., a farmer from the "Krasnaja Zarja"
collective farm and a member of the village council of Katyn, stated: 

"In the months of August September 1941, when the Germans came, I met
Poles working on the highway in groups of 1520 men each." 

Similar statements were made by the witnesses: 

SOLDATENKOW, former village elder of the village of Borock, 

KOLATSCHEW A.S., doctor of the city of Smolensk, 

OGLOBLIN A.P., priest, 

SERGEEW T.I. railway master 

SMIRJAGIN P.A., engineer, 

MOSKOWSKAJA A.M., resident of the city of Smolensk, 

ALEKSEJEW A.M., foreman of the collective farm of the village of Borock,


KUTZEW I.W., technician of the water services, 

GORODEZTKIJ W.P., priest, 

BASEKINA A.T., bookkeeper, 

WITROWA E.N., teacher, 

SAWWATEJEW I.W., duty officer at the railway station at Gnesdowo, among
others. 

The raids in search of Polish prisoners of war 

The presence of Polish prisoners of war in the region of Smolensk in the
autumn of 1941 was also confirmed by the fact of the German raids in
search
of prisoners who had escaped from the camps. 

The witness KARTOSCHKIN I.M., carpenter, stated: 

"The Germans not only searched for Polish prisoners of war in the
forests
in the autumn of 1941, but there were also police house searches carried
out at night in the villages." 

The former village elder Nowie Bateki SACHAROW M.D. testified that the
Germans,
in the autumn of 1941, "combed" the villages and forests feverishly
in search of for Polish prisoners of war. 

The witness DANILEKNOW N.W., farmer on the "Krasnaja Zarja" collective
farm, stated: 

"In our region, special raids were carried out in search of escaped
Polish prisoners of war. Such searches were conducted two or three times
in my house. After one house search, I asked the village elder, SERGEJEW
Konstantin, whom they were looking for in our house. Segejew said that
an
order had been issued by the German commander to search all houses
without
exception, since Polish prisoners of war who had escaped from the camps
were said to have hidden themselves in our village. Some time later the
searches stopped." 

The witness FATJKOW T.E., a farmer at the collective farm, stated: 

"Raids in search of Polish prisoners of war were carried out several
times. This was in the months of August September 1941. After the month
of September 1941, the raids stopped, and no one saw any more Polish
prisoners
of war." 

The shootings in the Katyn forest 

The above mentioned "Staff of the Construction Battalion 537",
located in the summer house at Kosji Gori, did no construction work. Its
activity was carefully kept secret. 

What this "staff" actually did was testified to by many witnesses,
including the female witnesses: ALEKSEJAWA A.M., MICHAILOWA O.A., and
KONACHOWSKAJA
S.P., residents of the village of Borock of the village council of
Katyn.


Upon order of the German commandant of the settlement of
Katyn,'transmitted'
by the village eldest of the village of Borock, SOLDATENKOW W.J., they
were
sent to the summer house'of Kosji Gori' to serve "staff"
personnel. 

After arrival at Kosji Gori, a number of regulations relating to their
behaviour
were communicated to them through an interpreter. It was most severely
prohibited
to stray away from the summer house and into the forest, to enter rooms
in the summer house without being asked and without the accompaniment of
a German soldiers, or to approach the region of the summer house during
the night. Only one particular path to the workplace and back was
permitted,
and only then when accompanied by the soldiers. 

ALEKSEJAWA, MICHAILOWA AND KONACHOWSKAJA were instructed in this regard
through an interpreter directly by the head of the German office, Lt.
Col.
ARNES, the women having been called in solely for this purpose. 

As to the personnel making up the "staff", ALEKSEJAWA A.M. stated:


"In the Kosji Gori summer house, there were always about 30 Germans.
The oldest of them was Lt. Col. ARNES; his adjutant was Lt. Col. REKST.
There were also a Lt. HOTT; a Sgt. LUEMERT; a noncommissioned officer
for
economic affairs ROSE; his representative ISICKE; Staff Sergeant
GRENEWSKY,
who headed a power plant; a photographer; a lance corporal, whose family
name I can no longer recall; an interpreter from the Volga German
republic,
his name seems to me to have been Johann, but we called him Iwan; the
cook;
a German named Gustav; and many others, whose first and last names are
not
known to me." 

Soon after their entry into service, Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and
Konachowskaja
began to notice "some sort of dark doings" going on the summer
house. 

Alekskaja A.M. stated: 

"We were warned several times by the interpreter Johann, on behalf
of ARNES, that we were to keep quiet and not blabber about anything we
saw
or heard in the country house. Otherwise, we noticed several things that
made us understand that the Germans were carrying on dark doings in this
country house. 

"At the end of August and during more than half of September 1941,
several trucks arrived almost daily at the Kosji Gori summer house. At
first,
I paid them no attention; later I noted that, when the trucks arrived,
they
always stopped somewhere on the path leading from the highway to the
summer
house for half an hour or a full hour. I drew this conclusion because
the
noise of the motors went silent for some time after the trucks entered
the
grounds of the country house. At the same time, individual shots began
to
be fired. One shot followed another in short but regular intervals. Then
the shooting stopped and the trucks drove to the country house. German
soldiers
and noncommissioned officers got down off the trucks. They talked in
loud
voices, went in the bathroom, and then drank wine. The bathroom was
always
heated on these days. On the days when the trucks arrived, soldiers also
entered the summer house from some other unit. Beds were laid out for
these
soldiers in the soldiers' mess hall, which had been opened in one of the
rooms. On these days, there was a great deal of cooking in the kitchen,
and double portions of spirits were brought to the table. 

Shortly before the entry of the trucks, the soldiers went into the
forest,
probably to where the trucks were stopped. 

After half an hour or a full hour, they came back on the trucks,
together
the soldiers that lived in the country house. I would probably never
have
observed this or noticed when the noise began and went silent again. But
every time the trucks entered, if we (myself, Konachowskaja, and
Michailowa)
were in the courtyard, we were driven back into the kitchen or not
allowed
to leave the kitchen if we were in there. Through this circumstance, and
through the fact that I several times noted fresh bloodstains on the
clothing
of two corporals, I was compelled to take careful note of everything
that
went on in the country house. I then noticed the strange intermediate
pauses
in the movement of the trucks and their behaviour in the forest. I also
noticed that the bloodstains were always on the clothing of the same two
men, two corporals. One of them was a big one with red hair; the other,
of medium build, was blond. For this reason, I drew the conclusion that
the Germans were bringing people to the summer house by truck and then
shooting
them. I even guessed where everything was happening and, when I left the
house or came back to it, I noticed earth thrown up at several places
not
far from the highway. The places where the earth lay got bigger from day
to day. In the course of time the earth at these spots nevertheless took
on its usual shape again. 

To the question by the Special Commission as to which persons were shot
in the forest near the country house, Aleksejewa answered that Polish
prisoners
of war were shot there; and to confirm her testimony she stated: 

"There were days on which the trucks did not enter the country house.
The soldiers however left the country house and went into the forest.
From
there, frequent shots could be heard. After their return, the soldiers
always
went into the bathroom and then they drank. 

"And then there was another such case. Once, I stayed longer than usual
in the country house. Michailowa and Konachowskaja had already gone
away.
I was not yet finished with my work, I had stayed for that reason, when
suddenly a soldier came up to me and said I could go. In so doing, he
made
reference to Rose's order. The same soldier accompanied me to the
highway.


"After I passed the curve in the highway 150200 metres from the country
house, I saw a group of about 30 Polish prisoners of war marching along
the highway under reinforced guard. 

"That they were Poles I already knew, because I had already met Polish
prisoners of war on the embankment roadway before the outbreak of the
war
<between Germany and the USSR' and for some time after the Germans
came; the Poles always wore the same uniform, with a characteristic
fourcornered
cap. 

"I remained by the edge of the road to see where they were being taken,
and I saw them turn aside at the curve to our Kosji Gori country house.


"Since I had already carefully observed all events from the country
house before this time, I took great interest in this event on that day;
I turned back a short distance on the embankment roadway, and hid in the
bushes by the side of the road to await further events. 20 or 30 minutes
later, I heard the characteristic individual shots which were so well
known
to me. 

"Then everything came clear to me, and I went home quickly. 

"From this fact, I concluded that the Germans not only shot the Poles
during the day, when we were working, but also at night, during our
absence.


"This became still more clear to me when I remembered that the entire
staff of officers and soldiers living at the country house, except for
the
guards, slept until late in the day, and only woke up around 12 noon. 

"Sometimes we could tell when the Poles were arriving at Kosji Gori,
>from  the tense atmosphere which prevailed in the country house on such
days.


"All officers then left the country house; only individual duty officers
remained behind in the building, and the duty officer controlled all
posts
by telephone without interruption..." 

Michailowa OA stated: 

"In September 1941, very frequent shots could be heard in the Kosji
Gori forest. At the beginning, I took no particular notice of the trucks
arriving at the country house; they were covered on all four sides,
painted
green, and accompanied by noncommissioned officers. Later I noticed that
these trucks were never parked in our garages, and were not unloaded
either.
These trucks arrived very often, especially in September 1941. 

"Among the noncommissioned officers who always sat in the cabin next
to the driver, I noticed one tall one with a pallid complexion and red
hair.
When these trucks came into the country house, all the noncommissioned
officers,
as if they were obeying an order, went into the bathroom, washed
themselves
for a long time, and then drank in the country house. 

"Once this tall redhaired German left the truck and went straight into
the kitchen, where he asked for water. As he drank the water from the
glass,
I noticed a bloodstain on the right cuff of his uniform." 

Michailowa O.A. and Konachowskaja S.P. once saw with their own eyes how
two Polish prisoners of war were shot after apparently escaping the
Germans
and had being recaptured. 

Michailowa stated the following in this regard: 

"Once Konachowskaja and I were working in the kitchen as usual, and
we heard noise not far from the house. When we came out of the kitchen,
we saw two Polish prisoners of war surrounded by German soldiers,
explaining
something to noncommissioned officer Rose. Then Lt. Col. Arnes came up
and
spoke a few words to Rose. We got out of the way, since we were afraid
Rose
would shoot us for our curiosity. But we were noticed anyway, and the
mechanic
Linewski chased us away on Roses order into the kitchen, and then he led
Poles away from the country house. After a few minutes, we heard shots.
The German soldiers and noncommissioned officers, who returned shortly
afterwards,
were talking to each other excitedly. Konachowskaja and I were driven to
leave the kitchen once more by the desire to find out what the Germans
had
done with the Poles whom they had arrested. Arnes' adjutant, who went
out
with us at the same time, asked Rose something in German, whereupon the
latter answered in German "Alles in Ordnung'everything OK'".
I understood these words, because they were often used by Germans in
conversations
with each other. I concluded from all these events that the two Poles
had
been shot." 

Similar statements were made in this regard by Konachowskaja S.P.: 

Intimidated by what was going on in the country house, Alekskaja,
Michailowa,
and Konachowskaja decided to quit their jobs at the country house on
some
pretext. They used the salary cut from 9 to 3 marks monthly, implemented
at the beginning of January 1942 and, upon Michailowa's suggestion, did
not go to work. The same evening, a car arrived; a man took them to the
country house, and locked them in a cold room for punishment. Michailowa
was locked up for 8 days; Aleksejewa and Konachowskaja for 3 days. 

After they had undergone this punishment, they were all released. 

During their work in the country house, Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and
Konachowskaja
were afraid to exchange their observations of what was going on in the
country
house.Only in confinement, when they were all locked in, did they
exchange
their thoughts during the night: 

Michailowa stated during the interrogation of 24 December 1943: 

"That was the first time we spoke of what was going on in the country
house. I told everything I knew, but it turned out that Konachowskaja
and
Aleksejewa were already aware of all these things. But they were afraid
to speak to me about them. Here I found out that the Germans in Kosji
Gori
were shooting Polish prisoners of war in particular, since Aleksejewa
told
how she was going home from work once in the autumn of 1941 and
personally
saw the Germans herding a big group of Polish prisoners of war into the
Kosji Gori forest. Some time later she heard shots at that spot." 

Aleksejewa and Konachowskaja testified to the same effect. 

Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and Konachowskaja came to the firm conviction,
after
comparing their observations, that mass shootings of Polish prisoners of
war were being carried on at the Kosji Gori country house in August and
September 1941. 

The testimonies of Aleksejewa are confirmed by the testimony of her
father
Aleksejew Michail, to whom she reported her observations concerning the
crimes being committed by the Germans at the country house in the autumn
of 1941 while she was still working there. 

"For a long time she didn't say a single word," Aleksejew Michail
testified, "Only when returned from her work, she complained that it
was strange to work there and that she didn't know how she could get
away.
When I asked her what made it so strange, she answered that shots could
very often be heard in the forest. Once, when she came back home, she
told
me confidentially that the Germans were shooting Poles in the Kosji Gori
forest. After listening to my daughter, I warned her most severely not
to
speak to anyone else about it. otherwise the Germans would find out
about
it and our whole family would suffer." 

The testimony concerning the transport of Polish prisoners of war to
Kosji
Gori in small groups of 2030 men under a guard of 57 German soldiers is
made by other witnesses interrogated by the Special Commission: KISSELEW
P.G., farmer from the Kosji Gori dairy farm; KRIWOSERZEW M.G., joiner
from
the station Krasnyi Bor in the Katyn forest: IWANOW S.W., exforeman at
Gnesdowo
station in the region of the Katyn forest; SAWWATEJEW IW, duty officer
at
the same station; ALEKSEJEW M.A., president of the collective farm at
the
village of Borok; OGLOBLIN A.P., priest of the church of Kuprin, and
others.


These witnesses also heard shots resounding from the Kosji Gori forest.
An especially great breakthrough for the investigation of the events at
the Kosji Gori country house in the autumn of 1941 was provided by the
professor
of astronomy, Director BASILEWSKI B.W., of the observatory at Smolensk.
Professor Basilewski was appointed representative of the head of the
city
(the mayor) by force during the first days of the German occupation of
Smolensk,
while the lawyer MENSCHAGIN B.G. was appointed head of the city by the
Germans,
who later took him away with them. MENSCHAGIN was a traitor who enjoyed
the special trust of the German command, and especially that of the
commandant
of Smolensk, von SCHWEZ. 

In early September 1941, Basilewski asked Menschagin to ask commandant
von
Schwez to release the teacher SCHIGLINSKI from prisoner of war camp no.
126. In fulling this request, Menschagin talked to von Schwez, and then
told Basilewski that his request could not be granted because, as von
Schwez
said, "an order had come from Berlin prescribing the immediate
application
of the strictest regime relating to prisoners of war and permitting no
indulgence
in this matter." 

"I couldn't help objecting", testified witness Basilewski, "'But
What could be stricter than the regime prevailing in the camp now?'"
Menschagin looked at me strangely and, coming very close to me, answered
softly, "'It can be'a lot tougher'. The Russians will at least
die off by themselves, but as for the prisoners of war, it was simply
proposed
to exterminate them.'" 

"'How? How am I to understand that?'" I cried. 

"You are to understand it literally. There is such an order from
Berlin,"
answered Menschagin, requesting me, 'for God's sake', not to say a word
about it to anyone." 

"Two weeks later, after the above mentioned talk with Menschagin, when
I was again received by him, I could not help asking him: 'What have you
heard about the Poles?' 

Menschagin hesitated a little and then answered, 'It's all up with them.
Von Schwez told me that they have been shot somewhere in the vicinity of
Smolensk.' 

"Since Menschagin noticed my excitement, he warned me again of the
need to keep this matter strictly secret, and then he began to explain
the
German manner of procedure in this matter. He said, 'the shooting of the
Poles was a link in the whole chain of anti-Polish policies carried out
by the Germans, which was to be especially tightened up in view of
conclusion
of the treaty between the Russians and the Poles.'" 

Basilewski also told the Special Commission about his conversation with
the Special Leader of the 7th Division of the German commander
Hirschfeld,
a Baltic German who spoke good Russian: 

"Hirschfeld cynically explained that the perniciousness and inferiority
of the Poles had been historically proven, and that the reduction in
Polish
population figures would serve to fertilize the soil and provide a
guarantee
for the expansion of German living space. 

"In this connection, Hirschfeld bragged that nothing was left of the
intelligentsia in Poland, since they had all been hanged, shot, or taken
away to concentration camps." 

The testimony of the witness Basilewski was confirmed by the witness,
physics
professor Jefimow J.E., interrogated by the Special Commission, to whom
Basilewski told of his conversation with Menschagin in the autumn of
1941.


The testimony of Basilewski and Jefimow is strengthened by documentary
evidence
in the form of handwritten notes by Menschagin, in his own handwriting,
jotted down in his notebook. 

This notebook, containing 17 full pages, was found in the files of the
city
administration of Smolensk after its liberation. The fact that this
notebook
belonged to Menschagin, and was also in his handwriting, is confirmed
both
by the testimony of Basilewski, who was well familiar with Menschagin's
handwriting, and by graphological reports. 

As may be seen from the dates contained in the notebook, the contents
concern
the period from the early days of August 1941 until November of the same
year. 

Among the various notes with regards to economic matters (wood,
electrical
energy, commerce, etc.) there are a number of notes concerning
instructions
>from  the commander of Smolensk, made by Menschagin in order not to
forget
them. 

>From  these notes, it may be clearly seen that the city administration
was
concerned with a number of matters as the body carrying out all the
instructions
of the German command. 

The first of the three pages of the note book describe the organization
of the Ghetto and the system of reprisals to be carried out relating to
the Jews. Page 10, dated 15 August 1941, states: "All escaped Polish
prisoners of war are to be arrested and brought to the command post."
Page 15, (without date), states: 

"Are there any rumours circulating among the populace of shootings
of Polish prisoners of war at Kosji Gory (to Umnow)?" 

>From  the initial notes, it may be seen that, on 15 August 1941, the
Polish
prisoners of war were still in the region of Smolensk, and that they
were
furthermore being arrested by the German authorities. 

The second note proves that the German command, disturbed by the
possibility
of the existence of rumours among the civilian population about crimes
committed
by the Germans, gave special instructions to investigate the matter. 

Umnow, who is mentioned in the note, was chief of the Russian police in
Smolensk during the first months of the occupation. 

Beginning of German provocation 

In the winter of 1942-43, the general military situation changed
fundamentally,
and not in favour of the Germans. The military power of the Soviet Union
was constantly increasing, and the alliance between the Soviet Union
with
the Allies was strengthening. The Germans decided to initiate a
provocation
by taking the atrocities which they themselves had committed in the
forest
of Katyn and accusing the Soviet authorities of having committed them.
They
thus intended to divide the Russians and the Poles and wipe away the
trace
of their crime. 

The priest from the village of Kuprino, district Smolensk, A.P.
OGLOBLIN,
testified: 

"The Germans took up this matter after the events at Stalingrad, when
they were feeling unsure of themselves. Among the people, it was said
that
the Germans were attempting to improve their position." 

Concerned with expanding the Katyn provocation, the Germans first began
to search for "witnesses" able to offer the testimony desired
by the Germans, under the influence of promises, bribes, or threats. 

The farmer KISSELEW Parfen Gawrilowitsch, born 1870, who lived closer to
the Kosji Gori country house than anyone else, attracted the attention
of
the Germans. Kisselew was told to report to the Gestapo as early as the
end of 1942, and after under the threat of reprisals was requested to
offer
perjured testimony about the matter, stating that he knew that the
Bolsheviks
had shot the Polish prisoners of war in the Kosji Gori country house of
the NKWD in early 1940. 

Kisselew testified in this regard: 

"In autumn 1942, two policemen came to my house and said I had to report
to the Gestapo at Gnesdowo railway station. 

"The same day, I went to the Gestapo, which was housed in a twostory
house next to the railway station. In the room which I entered, there
was
a German officer and an interpreter. The German officer began to
interrogate
me through the interpreter, asking how long I had lived in the district,
what I did, and my financial situation. I told him I had lived in the
farmstead
next to Kosji Gori since 1907 and worked on my property. About my
financial
situation, I said I was having difficulties, because I was already old
and
my sons were in the army. 

"After this short conversation, the officer explained to me that the
Gestapo had reports stating that members of the KNWD office had shot the
Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest not far from Kosji Gori in
1940.
He asked what testimony I could make about it. I answered that I had
never
heard anything about the NKWD office carrying out any shootings in the
Kosji
Gori. I furthermore explained to the officer that I considered it
impossible
to carry out shootings there, since Kosji Gory was very openly exposed,
and thickly populated. The whole populace in the neighbouring villages
must
surely have known of it. 

"The officer answered that I was to make such a statement, since the
aforementioned fact had allegedly really taken place. A big reward was
promised
me for this testimony. 

"I repeatedly explained to the officer that I had heard nothing of
the shootings, and that something like this could simply not happen at
all
before the war in our region. The officer nevertheless insisted that I
was
to make the perjured statement. 

"After the first conversation, of which I have already spoken, I was
called to the Gestapo for a second time in February 1942. 

"At this time, it was known to me that other residents of the
neighbouring
villages had also been ordered to report to the Gestapo, and they had
been
ordered to make the same testimony. 

"In the Gestapo were the same officer and interpreter who had
interrogated
me the first time. 

"Again they demanded that I should testify that I was an eyewitness
to the shootings of Polish officers allegedly carried out in 1940 by the
NKWD. 

I explained to the Gestapo officer once again that this was a lie, since
I had heard nothing of the shootings before the war, and that I would
not
make the perjured statement. But the interpreter refused to listen to
me,
took a handwritten document from the table, and read it to me. It said
that
I, KISSELEW, lived in the farmstead not far from Kosji Gori, and had
myself
seen employees of the NKWD shooting the Polish officers in 1940. 

After the interpreter had read it to me, he suggested that I sign the
document.
I refused. The interpreter tried to force me to sign by means of threats
and insults, Finally he said, 'Either you sign immediately, or you will
be killed. You have to choose!' 

"I was now afraid, and signed the document, figuring that the matter
was at an end. After the Germans organized the visit to the graves of
Katyn
by various 'delegations', I was forced to speak before the Polish
'delegation.'"


Kisselew forgot the contents of the statement signed in the Gestapo
office,
got mixed up, and finally refused to speak. Then the Gestapo had him
arrested,
and, by beating him for a month a half without mercy, forced him to
agree
to appear again in public. 

In this regard, Kisselew testifies: 

"In reality, it happened differently. In the spring of 1943, the Germans
announced that they had discovered the graves of the Polish officers in
in the Kosji Gori region of the Katyn forest, after having been
allegedly
shot by the NKWD. 

"Soon afterwards, a Gestapo interpreter came to my house and drove
me into the Kosji Gori region of the Katyn forest. After leaving my
house,
the interpreter warned me privately that when I was in the forest, to
say
everything just exactly as stated in the statement signed in the Gestapo
office. 

"When we got to the forest, I saw excavated graves and a group of
persons
unknown to me. The interpreter told me they were 'Polish delegates' who
were coming to view the graves. 

"When we approached the graves, the 'delegates' began to ask me various
questions in the Russian language relating to the shooting of the Poles.


"But since over a month had passed since I was told to report to the
Gestapo, I had forgotten everything contained in the document signed by
me. So I got mixed up and finally said that I didn't know anything about
the shooting of the Polish officers. 

"The German officer got very angry, and the interpreter pushed and
pulled me brutally away from the 'delegation'. The next day, a car with
a Gestapo officer in it came to my house. When the officer found me in
the
courtyard, he explained that I was under arrest, put me in the car and
took
me to Smolensk prison. 

"After my arrest I was often called for interrogation, but they beat
me more than they interrogated me. During my first interrogation they
beat
me badly and accused me of slandering them. Then they brought me back to
my cell. 

"In the next interrogation, they told me I had to declare publicly
that I was an eyewitness to the shootings of the Polish officers by the
Bolsheviks and that I would not get out of prison until the Gestapo was
convinced that I would fulfil my task to the best of my ability. I told
the officer that I would rather rot in prison than pull the wool over
people's
eyes. After that, they beat me very badly. 

"These interrogations, in which I was beaten, were repeated. The result
was that I completely lost my strength, partially lost my hearing, and
could
no longer move my right arm. 

"Approximately a month after my arrest the German officer called me
to him and said, 'Now, you see, Kisselew, what your obstinacy has cost
you.
We have decided to carry out a death sentence upon you. Tomorrow you
will
be driven to the Katyn forest and hanged. I asked the officer not to do
that, and tried to convince him that I was unfit for the role of
eyewitness
to the shootings, because I simply could not lie and would therefore
simply
get something mixed up again. But the officer stuck to his insistence. 

"A few minutes later, soldiers came into the room and began to beat
me with rubber truncheons. I could not stand the beatings and
mistreatment
and agreed to confirm the perjured statement regarding the shooting of
the
Polish officers by the Bolsheviks. Then I was released from prison. At
the
same time, they told me that I had to speak in front of the 'delegates'
at the first request of the Germans in the Katyn forest. Each time,
before
we drove to the excavated graves in the Katyn forest, the interpreter
came
to my home, called me out into the courtyard, took me aside so that
nobody
could hear us, and made me learn everything by heart for half an hour,
completely
and in detail, that I had to say about the alleged shootings of the
Polish
officers by the NKWD in 1940. 

"I remember that the interpreter told me'to say' approximately
the following: 

"'I live on the farmstead in the Kosji Gori region not far from the
KNWD country house. In early 1940, I saw how them bringing the Poles
into
the forest and shooting them there every night.' 

I also had to repeat word for word that this was the work of the NKWD. 

"After I had learnt by heart everything the interpreter told me, he
drove me into the forest to the excavated graves and told me to repeat
everything
in the presence of the visiting 'delegation'. My remarks were strictly
noted
and orchestrated by the Gestapo interpreter. 

"Once, when I appeared before a 'delegation', they asked me whether
I had ever seen the Poles before they were shot by the Bolsheviks. 

"I was not prepared for this question, and declared that I had seen
the Polish prisoners of war before the beginning of the war engaged in
road
construction work, which was also true. At this, the interpreter pushed
me aside roughly, and chased me home. Please believe me when I say that
I was constantly tortured by remorse, because I knew that the Polish
officers
in reality were shot by the Germans in 1941; there was no other way out
for me, since I was afraid of repeated arrest and torture." 

The testimony of Kisselew P.G. regarding his visit to the Gestapo and
subsequent
arrest and beatings are confirmed by his wife, Kisselewa Asksinija, born
1870, who resides with him; his son, Kisselew Wassili, born 1911; and
his
daughterinlaw, Kisselewa Maria, born 1918; as well as railway master
Sergejew
Timotej Iwanowitch, born 1901, who also lives with Kisselew at the
farmstead.


The injuries inflicted upon Kisselew by the Gestapo (injured shoulder,
significant
hearing loss) were confirmed by forensic examination report. 

In the search for 'witnesses', the Germans then took an interest in the
workers at Gnesdowo railway station, located two and half kilometres
away
>from  Kosji Gori. 

The Polish prisoners of war first arrived at this station in the spring
of 1940, and the Germans obviously wished to obtain corresponding
testimony
>from  railway workers. To this purpose, the Germans, in the spring of
1943,
ordered the former station master of Gnesdowo, IWANOW S.W., and the duty
officer SAWWATEJEW I.W., among others, to report to the Gestapo. 

Regarding the circumstances of his visit to the Gestapo, Iwanow S.W.,
born
1882, stated: 

"...It was in March 1943. A German officer interrogated me in the
presence
of an interpreter. He asked me through the interpreter what I did, and
what
my job was at Gnesdowo before the occupation of the area by the Germans;
the officer asked me whether I knew that the Polish prisoners of war
arrived
by railway in early 1940 in Gnesdowo in large groups. 

"I said, that I knew nothing about it. 

"The officer then asked me whether I knew that the Polish officers
were shot by the Bolsheviks in the year in question, the spring of 1940,
soon after their arrival. 

"I answered that I knew nothing about it, and that this could not be
true, since I had seen the Polish officers who arrived at Gnesdowo in
the
spring of 1940 doing road construction work in 194041, until the city of
Smolensk was taken by the Germans. 

"The officer then told me: 'If a German officer says that the Poles
were shot by the Bolsheviks, then that corresponds to the facts.
Therefore',
the officer continued, 'you need have no fear; you may sign the
statement
with a clear conscience, stating that the Polish prisoners of war were
shot
by the Bolsheviks, and that you were an eyewitness to it.'" 

"I answered that I was an old man, 61 years old, and didn't want to
burden my soul with sins. I could only testify that the Polish officers
actually arrived in the spring of 1940 in Gnesdowo. 

"The German officer then attempted to convince me to make the desired
statement by promising to transfer me from my present job as
intermediate
station master to another post, and to make me station master at
Gnesdowo,
which is what I was under the Soviets, as well as taking care of me from
a financial point of view. 

"The interpreter emphasized that the German command placed great value
on my testimony as former railway employee at Gnesdowo, the station
nearest
the Katyn forest, and that I would not be sorry if I made the desired
statement.


"I saw that I was in an extremely difficult position and that a sad
fate awaited me, but I still refused to make the perjured statement to
the
German officer. 

"The officer then tricked me. He threatened me to have me beaten or
shot, declaring that I did not understand my best interests. But I stood
resolutely by my refusal. 

"The interpreter then wrote a short statement in the German language,
one page long, and told me what it said. The interpreter told me it only
contained the fact that the Poles arrived in Gnesdowo. But when I asked
to sign my statement not only in German, but in Russian as well, the
officer
lost his temper, beat me with a rubber truncheon, and threw me out."


SAWWATEJEW I.W. born 1880, testified: 

"...In the Gestapo, I said that the Polish prisoners actually arrived
in the spring of 1940 at Gnesdowo with their own railway transport, and
that they continued by motor transport, where, I don't know. I also
added
that I later saw the Poles several times on the MoscowMinsk highway
doing
highway repair work in small groups. 

"The officer told me that I was mistaken, and that I could not have
seen the Poles on the highway, since they had been shot by the
Bolsheviks.
He asked me to make a statement about this. I refused. After many
threats
and attempts at persuasion, the officer consulted with the interpreter
about
something, speaking in the German language. The interpreter then wrote a
short statement and presented it to me for signature, saying that it
contained
<only' the statements I had made. I asked the interpreter if I could
read it through for myself, but he interrupted me with insults and
ordered
me to sign the document immediately and to get out. I hesitated a
minute;
the interpreter grabbed a rubber truncheon hanging on the wall and
raised
it to hit me. I then signed the statement which had been placed before
me.
The interpreter told me to get out, and not to blab anything to anybody
or they would have me shot..." 

In their search for "witnesses", the Germans did not stop at the
above mentioned persons. They tried to find former NKWD employees and
force
them to make the perjured statements desired by the Germans. The Germans
then arrested the former NKWD garage worker for the region of Smolensk,
IGNATIUK E.L., and tried very hard, through threats and beatings, to
force
a statement out of him saying that he was not a garage worker, but a
driver,
and had personally driven the Polish prisoners of war to the location of
the shootings. IGNATIUK E.L., born 1903, stated: 

"During my first interrogation by police chief ALFERTSCHIK, he accused
me of antiGerman slander activity, and asked me what my job was with the
NKWD. I answered that I was employed in the NKWD office, region of
Smolensk,
as a worker. During the same interrogation, Alfertschik asked me to make
a statement saying that was I employed in the NKWD office not as a
worker,
but as a driver. When Alfertschik failed to obtain the desired
statement,
he became enraged and tied me up, him and his adjutant, whom he
addressed
by the name "Schorsch", tying a rag around my head and mouth;
they took down my pants, laid me on a table and beat me with rubber
truncheons.
They then called me to interrogation once again, and Alfertschik asked
me
to make the perjured statement that the Polish prisoners of war were
shot
in the Katyn forest in 1940 by the Bolsheviks, and that I knew all about
it since I had driven the Polish officers to the Katyn forest and was
present
during the shootings. If I agreed to make such a statement, Alfertschik
promised to release me from prison and give me a job in the police,
where
living conditions were very good; otherwise, he would have me shot. The
last time, I was interrogated in the police station by the examining
magistrate
ALEXANDROW, who, like Alfertschik, demanded the desired perjured
statement
>from  me. But I refused. 

"After this interrogation, they beat me repeatedly and brought me to
the Gestapo. In the Gestapo, they demanded that I make the perjured
statement
about the shooting of the Polish officers in the Katyn forest in 1940,
that
it was done by the Soviets, and that as a driver I allegedly had to know
all about it." 

In the book published by the German Foreign Office, containing material
falsified by the Germans on the "Katyn affair", the above mentioned
KISSELEW P.G., among others, is presented as a "witness". The
following persons are also cited as "witnesses": 

GODOSOW (identical with GODUNOW), born 1877; 

SILWERSTOW GRIGORI, born 1891; 

ANDREJEW IWAN, born 1917; 

SHIGULEW MICHAIL, born 1915; 

KRIWOSERZEW IWAN, born 1915, and 

SACHAROW MATWEJ, born 1893. 

It has been proven by investigation that the first two of the above
mentioned
persons (GODOSOW and SILWERSTOW) died in 1943 before the liberation of
the
region of Smolensk by the Red Army; the three following persons,
ANDREJEW,
SHIGULEW, and KRIWOSERZEW), either fled with the Germans or were taken
away
with the Germans by force. The last named SACHAROW MATWEJ, former
railway
carriage coupler at Smolensk railway station, who worked as village
elder
in Nowye Bateki, was found and interrogated by the Special Commission.
Sacharow
explained the manner in which the Germans obtained the perjured
statement
on the "Katyn affair". 

"In early March 1943," Sacharow stated, "a Gestapo worker
>from  Gnesdowo, whose name I can no longer remember, came to my house and
said that a German officer wanted to see me. When I got to the Gestapo,
the officer told me through an interpreter: 'We know that you worked as
a railway carriage coupler at Smolensk railway station, and therefore
you
must testify that the railway carriages with the Polish prisoners of war
came through the city of Smolensk to Gnesdowo station in 1940, and that
the Poles were then shot in the forest in the region of Kosji Gori'. To
this, I answered that the carriages with the Poles in them actually came
through the city of Smolensk in 1940 headed west, but which station they
got off at, was not known to me. The officer told me that if I didn't
make
the statement of my own free will, he would force me to. With these
words,
he took a rubber truncheon from the wall and began to beat me. Then they
laid me on a bench, and the officer and interpreter both beat me. I no
longer
know how many times they hit me, because I lost consciousness. When I
came
to, the officer asked me to sign the statement. I allowed myself to be
intimidated
by their blows and threats to shoot me, made perjured testimony, and
signed
the statement. I was then released by the Gestapo. A few days after my
order
to report to the Gestapo, it was about midMarch 1943, the interpreter
came
to my house and said I had to go to a German general and confirm my
statement.
When we got to the general, the general asked me whether I confirmed my
statement. I said yes, because the interpreter had told me on the way
that
if I didn't confirm my statement, I would get even worse than the first
time I went to the Gestapo. Out of fear of torture, I answered that I
did
confirm my statement. The interpreter ordered me to raise by right arm
and
told me that I had just sworn an oath, and could go home." 

It has been proven that the Germans attempted to obtain the desired
statements
>from  other persons as well, including the former assistant director of
Smolensk
prison, KAWERSNEW N.S.; a worker in the same prison, KOWALEW W.G.; and
others,
by persuading, threatening and mistreating the above mentioned persons.
Since the search for for "witnesses" failed to bear fruit, the
Germans distributed the following leaflet in the neighbouring villages,
an original of which is contained in the files of the Special
Commission:


"NOTICE TO THE CIVIL POPULATION 

"Who can testify to the mass shootings of Polish prisoners of war and
priests'!!??' committed by the Bolsheviks in 1940 in the Kosji Gori
forest on the GnesdowoKatyn highway? 

Who saw motor transports from Gnesdowo to Kosji Gori? 

Who heard about the shootings or was personally an eyewitness? 

Who knows residents capable of testifying in this regard? 

All information in this connection will be rewarded. 

All communications should be sent to the German police, Museumstrasse 6,
or, in Gnesdowo, to the German police, House no. 105 (at the railway
station).


3 May 1943 

FOSS 

Lieutenant, Field Police 

The same notice was published in the newspaper "DER NEUE WEG"
(no. 35 (157) of 6 May 1943, published by the Germans, in the city of
Smolensk.


That the Germans promised a reward for the desired testimony about the
"Katyn
affair" was proven by the Special Commission through the interrogation
of witnesses and residents of the city of Smolensk: 

SOKOLOWA O.E., PUSCHTSCHINA E.A., BYTSCHKOW J.J., BONDAREW G.T., USTINOW
E.P., and many others. 

The falsification of the graves at Katyn 

Simultaneously to the search for "witnesses", the Germans began
a corresponding falsification of the graves in the Katyn forest. They
began
to remove all documents dated later than April 1940, i.e., originating
from
the time at which, according to the German provocative slanders, the
Poles
had been shot by the Bolsheviks from the clothing of the Poles shot by
the
Germans, that is, all exhibits able to disprove these provocative
slanders.


The investigations of the Special Commission have proven that the
Germans
used approximately 500 Russian prisoners of war recruited from camp no.
126 for this purpose. The Special Commission has numerous witness
testimonies
at its disposal relating to this matter. 

The testimonies of the doctors from the above named camp merit special
attention;
the doctor of medicine TSCHISCHOW A.T., who worked in camp no. 126
during
the occupation of Smolensk, stated: 



From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Fri Jul  5 06:39:23 PDT 1996
Article: 48376 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!nntp.teleport.com!netaxs.com!tezcat.com!imci5!pull-feed.internetmci.com!news.internetMCI.com!newsfeed.internetmci.com!EU.net!usenet2.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!usenet1.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: Critical edition Anne Frank
Date: Wed, 3 Jul 1996 23:16:51 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
Lines: 24
Distribution: world
Message-ID: <6iqV1EATFv2xEwY3@stumpy.demon.co.uk>
References: <4qng0m$mqi@dfw-ixnews4.ix.netcom.com>
 <4qoa9p$aos@usenetz1.news.prodigy.com> <4qprf1$25o@sjx-ixn5.ix.netcom.com>
 
 <4r44kf$l3h@dfw-ixnews2.ix.netcom.com>
 
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In article , Marty Kelley  writes

snip
>
>I would suggest that you read _The Diary of Anne Frank: The Critical 
>Edition_.  Its introductory chapters discuss the Levin-Frank case in 
>quite a bit of detail, and also include a report by the Netherlands 
>forensic investigators who authenticated that the diary is indeed in Anne 
>Frank's handwriting.
>
>I must ask you again: do you accept or reject the authenticity of Anne 
>Frank's diary?  Please present the reasoning behind your opinion.

Mr Kelley, can you please quote the page which details the finding of
the Anne Frank diary in the critical edition.
 

Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Fri Jul  5 06:39:23 PDT 1996
Article: 48416 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!nntp.teleport.com!psgrain!iafrica.com!pipex-sa.net!plug.news.pipex.net!pipex!weld.news.pipex.net!pipex!hole.news.pipex.net!pipex!tube.news.pipex.net!pipex!dish.news.pipex.net!pipex!tank.news.pipex.net!pipex!usenet2.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!usenet1.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: TRANSIT CAMPS
Date: Thu, 4 Jul 1996 23:13:19 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
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In article: <4qkcbr$c9e@nizkor.almanac.bc.ca>
kmcvay@nizkor.almanac.bc.ca (Ken McVay OBC) writes:

> In article <4qj4nv$9vi@newsbf02.news.aol.com>, 
> ehrlich606@aol.com (Ehrlich606) wrote:

> >While we are on the subject, however, I would like someone to explain
to
> >me when it was decided that the death toll at Majdanek (which
supposedly
> >used Zyklon B) should be lowered from 1.5 million to 50,000.  I say
this
> >because Alex Werth (*Russia at War*, 1960), and Lucy Dawidowicz (*War
> >Against the Jews*, 1974) both cite the higher number.  These kinds of
> >changes are among the reasons why people become skeptical in re the >
>   entire
> >*Gas Chamber Controversy* in the first place.

The death toll at Auschwitz was reduced from 4 million to 1 million!  
The death toll at Maidjanek to be lowered from 1.5 million to 50,000!


And Ken McVay responds :-

 
> You have no idea how delighted I am that you should raise the
> issue. I have done so, repeatedly, since 1992. 
> 

A Soviet commission "established" that 600,000 corpses were burned in
the crematoria, 300,000 corpses burnt on pyres in the Krempetz woods,
80,000 in the 2 old ovens, 400,000 corpses burned in pyres in the camp
of Maidenek.



> I have never, I must add, been called an antisemite because of
> that.

try posting it under a alias.

 
> The differences - from superficial examination, I freely
> concede - seem to stem from sheer laziness. 


Like yours. 


> Some historians,
> using rail records, ignored the fact that Maidanek was a
> transit camp, and that many, if not most, of those who were
> shipped there, did not remain, but went on to work camps,
> death camps, whatever. 

Evidence?

> The (quite incorrect, I would say)
> assumption that over a million died there is a function of
> lazy scholarship, in my mind.

No, propaganda fiction pushed for 50 years.


So you say that Maidanek was an "transit" camp. 

There's hope for you, yet, Ken.



Sobibor was also designated a transit camp [cf Hilberg] and [IMHO] so
were Treblinka, Belzec, and Chelmno.


Why, Ken?




Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul  8 19:56:56 PDT 1996
Article: 49034 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!vertex.tor.hookup.net!hookup!usenet.eel.ufl.edu!arclight.uoregon.edu!news.uoregon.edu!hunter.premier.net!news-res.gsl.net!news.gsl.net!nntp.coast.net!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: TEST 2 [1/1]
Date: Mon, 8 Jul 1996 00:27:21 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
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[ Section: 1/1 File: irving.gif Encoder: Turnpike Version 1.12 ]

begin 644 irving.gif
[same 900 lines binary encoding deleted again]
end

sum -r/size 2698/55745 section (from "begin" to "end")
sum -r/size 5764/40438 entire input file
Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Sun Jul 14 07:45:35 PDT 1996
Article: 50149 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.internetmci.com!newsfeed.internetmci.com!howland.reston.ans.net!nntp.coast.net!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: NEW WEBSITE - Nation of Europa
Date: Sun, 14 Jul 1996 02:01:34 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
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Statement of Purpose.

a) To encourage those who belong to the Nation of Europa to  explore,
learn of and appreciate their great cultural heritage,  and the deeds
and achievements of their ancestors. 
b) To instill into those who belong to the Nation of Europa, the
strength and the knowledge to rebuttthe lies, smears and defamation of
detractors, a dedication to the values of freedom, peace, unity,
solidarity and a common purpose,  and the courage to develop and build
healthy values and attitudes.
c) To revitalise those who belong to the Nation of Europa,  by promoting
a joyful love of life, a love of wisdom and learning, and  to seek new
ideas for a new Ideal.



---------------------------------------------------------------------------
                           Nation of Europa
The men of the present, to whom my heart once drove me, are strange to me and a 
mockery; and I have been driven from fatherlands and motherlands. So now I love 
only my childrens land, the undiscovered land in the furthest sea: I bid my 
sails seek it and seek it. I will make amends to my children for being the 
child of my fathers: and to all the future - for this present!
[Page 144 Of the land of Culture, Thus spake Zarathusthra by 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900]                 
 
                   http://www.demon.co.uk/natofeur/       
---------------------------------------------------------------------------


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Sun Jul 14 07:45:36 PDT 1996
Article: 50150 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.internetmci.com!newsfeed.internetmci.com!uwm.edu!lll-winken.llnl.gov!nntp.coast.net!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: TEST 4 [1/2]
Date: Sun, 14 Jul 1996 01:18:04 +0100
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WAR CRIMES TRIALS

KATYN: How the Soviets Manufactured War Crime Documents for the
Nuremberg Court
Translator's note: 

The following is a typical example of Nuremberg "evidence".
The "testimony" consists of "written statements" said
to have been signed by "eyewitnesses", but which are simply "quoted"
in a "report" written by the Stalinists and read aloud (in excerpt
form) by the Soviet prosecutor. The "statements" are not attached
to the report, the "witnesses" do not appear in court, and the
"original documents" are not attached. 

The Soviets were assigned by the Nuremberg Tribunal with the task of
introducing
all the evidence of German atrocities in Eastern Europe. Nearly all
Nuremberg
evidence is of similar quality, if not worse. 

The "forensic report" quoted in this "report" was the
ONLY forensic report ever introduced into evidence at Nuremberg. 

The victims at Katyn were buried in greatcoats and boots in perfect
condition.
If they had been alive doing heavy road construction work for another
year
and a half, from April 1940 until September 1941 as claimed by the
Russians,
these articles would have shown severe wear. And, of course, the victims
would have been sending and receiving correspondence for another year
and
a half. The 15,000 victims must have had hundreds of thousands of
relatives,
friends, and acquaintances in Poland, yet nothing was heard from them
after
April 1940; no letter or postcard written by any of these men after
April
1940 has ever been produced. All mail sent to them after April 1940 was
returned by the Russians, marked "Return to Sender Gone Away".


Parts of this document have an air of very great realism, even though
it is known to be false from beginning to end: the Soviets admitted
their
guilt for the Katyn shootings in November 1989. The report describes how
perjured statements are obtained using procedures which are identical to
those of the witchcraft trials of the Middle Ages. This is why civilised
countries have rules against oral and written hearsay and prior
consistent
statements (i.e., the multiplication of "evidence" by repeating
the same thing 10 times), and a requirement that cross examination be
permitted
in some form. 

Personally, I consider this document by far the most important document
ever introduced into evidence at Nuremberg, and possibly in any other
war
crimes trial as well. 

Note the constant references to totally irrelevant factual material
(such
as the title and author of a science book possessed by one of the
Russian
"witnesses") just as if they were really proof of something. It
reminds one of the joke: "My dog treed a 300 pound possum last week,
and if you don't believe it, I'll show you the tree he treed him in."


Carlos W. Porter 

DOCUMENT 054 USSR 

Report by a Special Soviet Commission, 24 January 1944, concerning the
shooting
of Polish officer prisoners of war in the forest of Katyn. The
executions
had been carried out in autumn 1941 by the German "Staff of the
Construction
Battalion 537". In spring 1943 the Germans, by blackmailing witnesses
into giving false evidence and by other means, had tried to make it
appear
that the Soviet NKWD was responsible for the shooting of the 11,000
victims.


Description 

Brochure in the Russian language from the year 1944. 56 pages in octavo
format, later bound. Signature of German translation. 

REPORT 

of the Special Commission for the examination and investigation of the
circumstances
of the shooting of Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest by the
German
fascist invaders. 

The Special Commission for the examination and investigation of the
circumstances
of the shooting of Polish prisoners of war in the forest of Katyn (near
Smolensk) by the German fascist invaders was formed by order of the
Special
State Commission to examine and investigate the atrocities of the
fascist
German invaders and their accomplices. 

The Commission consists of the following persons: 

Member of the Special State Commission, Academician N.N. BURDENKO
(President
of the Commission); 

Member of the on the Special State Commission, Academician ALEKSEJ
TOLSTOI;


Member of the Special State Commission, Mythropolitos NIKOLAI; 

President of the AllSlavic Committee, Lieutenant General GUNDOROW A.S.;


President of the Executive Committee of the Association of the Red Cross
and Red Half Moon, POLESNIKOW S.A.; 

People's Commissar for Education of the RSFSR'Russian Soviet Federal
Socialist Republic', Academician POTEMKIN W.P.; 

Chief of the Forensic Head Office of the Red Army, CoronelGeneral
SMIRNOW
E.I.; 

President of the Executive Committee for the Region of Smolensk,
MEINIKOW
R.E.. 

To deal with the tasks laid before the Commission, the Commission called
upon the following forensic experts: 

Superior Forensic Expert of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters
of the USSR, Director of the Scientific Research Institute for Forensic
Medicine PROZOROWSKI W.I.; head of the Professorship of Forensic
Medicine
of the 2nd Moscow Medical Institute, Doctor of Medical Sciences,
SMOLJANINOW
W.M.; eldest scientific expert of the State Scientific Research
Institute
for Forensic Medicine of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters of
the USSR, SEMENOWSKI P.S.; eldest scientific official of the State
Scientific
Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the People's Commissariat
for
Health Matters of the USSR, Professor SCHWAIKOWA M.D.; chief pathologist
of the Major Front of the Medical Service, Professor WYROPAIJEW D.N.. 

The extensive material laid before his associates and the forensic
medical
experts who arrived in the city of Smolensk on 26 September 1943,
immediately
after the liberation of the city, and who conducted the preliminary
study
and investigation of the circumstances of all atrocities committed by
the
Germans, was made available to the Special Commission by Member of the
Special
State Commission, Professor BURDENKO N.N.. 

The Special Commission carried out on-the-spot investigations and found
that the graves of the Polish prisoners of war shot by the German
occupiers
are located 15 kilometres from the city of Smolensk, on the Witebsker
highway,
in the region of the Katyn forest known as "Kosji Gori", 200 metres
southwest of the highway, in the direction of the Dnjipr river. 

The graves were excavated by order of the Special Commission, and in the
presence of all members of the Special Commission and the forensic
experts.
A great number of corpses in Polish uniforms were discovered in the
graves.
According to the calculations of the forensic experts, the number of
corpses
amounts, in total, to 11,000. 

The forensic experts thoroughly examined the disinterred corpses and all
objects and exhibits found in the graves and on the corpses. 

Simultaneous with the excavation of the graves and the examination of
the
corpses, the Special Commission carried out interrogations of the
numerous
witnesses and the local populace, whose testimonies precisely
established
the time and circumstances of the crime committed by the German
occupiers.


The following is clear from the testimonies of the witnesses: 

The Katyn Forest 

The Katyn forest was always a favourite holiday spot for the people of
the
city of Smolensk. 

Those who lived in the vicinity pastured their livestock in the Katyn
forest
and cut wood. There were no restrictions or prohibitions against
entering
the Katyn forest. 

This was the case in the Katyn forest until the outbreak of the war. The
"Promstrachkasse" combat engineers camp which was only dissolved
in July 1941 was still located in the forest in the summer of 1941.
Following
the occupation of the city of Smolensk by the German invader, quite a
different
system prevailed in the Katyn forest. The forest began to be guarded by
reinforced patrols, and numerous warning notices appeared, stating that
all persons who entered the forest without special permits would be
shot.


Especially strictly guarded was that part of the Katyn forest known as
"Kosji
Gori", as well as the region along the banks of the Dnjepr, where a
summer house rest centre for the NKWD offices at Smolensk was located
700
metres from where the graves of the Polish prisoners of war were
discovered.
After the arrival of the Germans, a German office was created at this
location,
called "the Staff of the Construction Battalion 537". 

Polish prisoners of war in the region of Smolensk 

The Special Commission has established that, prior to the conquest of
the
city of Smolensk by the German occupiers, Polish prisoners of war,
officers
and enlisted men, worked on the construction and repair of the highways
in the west districts of the region. The Polish prisoners of war were
housed
in three camps, i.e., camp no. 1ON, no. 2ON, and no. 3ON, which were
located
approximately 2545 kilometres west of the city of Smolensk. 

It has been established, based on the testimony of witnesses and
documentary
proof, that the above named camps could not be evacuated in time due to
the unfavourable conditions after the commencement of military
operations.


All Polish prisoners of war, some of the guard personnel, and the camp
employees,
fell, for this reason, into German captivity. 

The former head of camp no. 1ON, Major of Security WETOSCHINIKOW W.M.,
interrogated
by the Special Commission, stated: 

"I awaited the order relating to the dissolution of the camp. But
"phone";
connections with the city of Smolensk were interrupted. Therefore I
drove
together with a few fellow employees to Smolensk to clarify the
situation.
I found the situation in Smolensk tense. I turned to the head of railway
traffic for the Smolensk stretch of the western railway, Comrade IWANOW,
with a request to provide the camp with 'train'; carriages to evacuate
the Polish prisoners of war. Comrade IWANOW answered, however, that I
could
not count on that. I made attempts to get in connection with Moscow to
obtain
permission to cover the distance by foot, but I was not successful. 

"At this time, Smolensk was already cut off from the camp by the
Germans,
and I don't know what happened to the Polish prisoners of war and the
guard
personnel who remained behind in the camp." 

Engineer IWANOW S.W., head of traffic for the Smolensk stretch of the
western
railway in July 1941, stated to the Special Commission: 

"The administration of the camp for Polish prisoners of war contacted
my office with a request to obtain train carriages for the evacuation of
the Poles, but we had no carriages available. We were furthermore unable
to direct any carriages to the Gusino stretch, since the stretch was
already
under fire. For this reason, we could not consider the request of the
camp
administration. Thus, the Polish prisoners of war remained behind in the
region of Smolensk." 

That the Polish prisoners of war remained behind in the camps of the
region
of Smolensk was confirmed by the testimony of the numerous witnesses,
who
had seen these Poles in the vicinity of the city of Smolensk in the
early
months of the occupation until the month of September 1941. 

The female witness SASCHENEW Marija Akeksandrowna, a teacher at the
primary
school of the village of Senjkowo, stated to the Special Commission that
she had hidden one of the Polish prisoners of war in the attic of her
house
after he had escaped from the camp. 

"The Pole wore a Polish military uniform, which I immediately recognized
since I had seen the groups of Polish prisoners of war in 1940-41 on the
highways, working under guard. I was very interested in this Pole since
he, as it turned out, had been a primary school teacher in Poland before
his callup. Since I had myself graduated from teacher's training college
and wanted to be a teacher, I struck up a conversation with him. He told
me that he had attended a teacher's training college in Poland, then
went
to a military school and became a lieutenant in the reserve. Upon the
outbreak
of hostilities between Poland and Germany, he was called up for active
military
service. He was in BreskLitovsk and was taken prisoner by units of the
Red
Army. He stayed in a camp near Smolensk for over a year. 

"When the Germans came and occupied the Polish camp, a hard system
prevailed there. The Germans did not consider the Poles to be human
beings,
and pushed them around and mistreated them in every possible way. There
were cases in which Poles were shot without any reason. So he decided to
escape. He told me of his own accord that his wife was also a teacher
and
that he had two brothers and a sister." 

When he went away the following day, he mentioned a name which SASCHNEWA
noted in a book. The book, presented'to the Special Commission' by
SASHNEWA, "Practical Exercises in the Natural Sciences" by Jagodowsky,
contains the following note on the last page: 

"LOECK, Jusef and Sophia, city of Smostjie, Agorodnaja Street no. 25."


The list'of Katyn shooting victims' published by the Germans contains
the name LOECK Jusef under no. 3796 as having been shot in the spring of
1940 at Kosji Gori in the Katyn forest. 

>From  the German reports, it therefore appears that LOECK Jusef was shot
one year before his acquaintance with the female witness Saschnewa. 

The witness DANILENKOW N.W., a farmer from the "Krasnaja Zarja"
collective farm and a member of the village council of Katyn, stated: 

"In the months of August September 1941, when the Germans came, I met
Poles working on the highway in groups of 1520 men each." 

Similar statements were made by the witnesses: 

SOLDATENKOW, former village elder of the village of Borock, 

KOLATSCHEW A.S., doctor of the city of Smolensk, 

OGLOBLIN A.P., priest, 

SERGEEW T.I. railway master 

SMIRJAGIN P.A., engineer, 

MOSKOWSKAJA A.M., resident of the city of Smolensk, 

ALEKSEJEW A.M., foreman of the collective farm of the village of Borock,


KUTZEW I.W., technician of the water services, 

GORODEZTKIJ W.P., priest, 

BASEKINA A.T., bookkeeper, 

WITROWA E.N., teacher, 

SAWWATEJEW I.W., duty officer at the railway station at Gnesdowo, among
others. 

The raids in search of Polish prisoners of war 

The presence of Polish prisoners of war in the region of Smolensk in the
autumn of 1941 was also confirmed by the fact of the German raids in
search
of prisoners who had escaped from the camps. 

The witness KARTOSCHKIN I.M., carpenter, stated: 

"The Germans not only searched for Polish prisoners of war in the
forests
in the autumn of 1941, but there were also police house searches carried
out at night in the villages." 

The former village elder Nowie Bateki SACHAROW M.D. testified that the
Germans,
in the autumn of 1941, "combed" the villages and forests feverishly
in search of for Polish prisoners of war. 

The witness DANILEKNOW N.W., farmer on the "Krasnaja Zarja" collective
farm, stated: 

"In our region, special raids were carried out in search of escaped
Polish prisoners of war. Such searches were conducted two or three times
in my house. After one house search, I asked the village elder, SERGEJEW
Konstantin, whom they were looking for in our house. Segejew said that
an
order had been issued by the German commander to search all houses
without
exception, since Polish prisoners of war who had escaped from the camps
were said to have hidden themselves in our village. Some time later the
searches stopped." 

The witness FATJKOW T.E., a farmer at the collective farm, stated: 

"Raids in search of Polish prisoners of war were carried out several
times. This was in the months of August September 1941. After the month
of September 1941, the raids stopped, and no one saw any more Polish
prisoners
of war." 

The shootings in the Katyn forest 

The above mentioned "Staff of the Construction Battalion 537",
located in the summer house at Kosji Gori, did no construction work. Its
activity was carefully kept secret. 

What this "staff" actually did was testified to by many witnesses,
including the female witnesses: ALEKSEJAWA A.M., MICHAILOWA O.A., and
KONACHOWSKAJA
S.P., residents of the village of Borock of the village council of
Katyn.


Upon order of the German commandant of the settlement of
Katyn,'transmitted'
by the village eldest of the village of Borock, SOLDATENKOW W.J., they
were
sent to the summer house'of Kosji Gori' to serve "staff"
personnel. 

After arrival at Kosji Gori, a number of regulations relating to their
behaviour
were communicated to them through an interpreter. It was most severely
prohibited
to stray away from the summer house and into the forest, to enter rooms
in the summer house without being asked and without the accompaniment of
a German soldiers, or to approach the region of the summer house during
the night. Only one particular path to the workplace and back was
permitted,
and only then when accompanied by the soldiers. 

ALEKSEJAWA, MICHAILOWA AND KONACHOWSKAJA were instructed in this regard
through an interpreter directly by the head of the German office, Lt.
Col.
ARNES, the women having been called in solely for this purpose. 

As to the personnel making up the "staff", ALEKSEJAWA A.M. stated:


"In the Kosji Gori summer house, there were always about 30 Germans.
The oldest of them was Lt. Col. ARNES; his adjutant was Lt. Col. REKST.
There were also a Lt. HOTT; a Sgt. LUEMERT; a noncommissioned officer
for
economic affairs ROSE; his representative ISICKE; Staff Sergeant
GRENEWSKY,
who headed a power plant; a photographer; a lance corporal, whose family
name I can no longer recall; an interpreter from the Volga German
republic,
his name seems to me to have been Johann, but we called him Iwan; the
cook;
a German named Gustav; and many others, whose first and last names are
not
known to me." 

Soon after their entry into service, Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and
Konachowskaja
began to notice "some sort of dark doings" going on the summer
house. 

Alekskaja A.M. stated: 

"We were warned several times by the interpreter Johann, on behalf
of ARNES, that we were to keep quiet and not blabber about anything we
saw
or heard in the country house. Otherwise, we noticed several things that
made us understand that the Germans were carrying on dark doings in this
country house. 

"At the end of August and during more than half of September 1941,
several trucks arrived almost daily at the Kosji Gori summer house. At
first,
I paid them no attention; later I noted that, when the trucks arrived,
they
always stopped somewhere on the path leading from the highway to the
summer
house for half an hour or a full hour. I drew this conclusion because
the
noise of the motors went silent for some time after the trucks entered
the
grounds of the country house. At the same time, individual shots began
to
be fired. One shot followed another in short but regular intervals. Then
the shooting stopped and the trucks drove to the country house. German
soldiers
and noncommissioned officers got down off the trucks. They talked in
loud
voices, went in the bathroom, and then drank wine. The bathroom was
always
heated on these days. On the days when the trucks arrived, soldiers also
entered the summer house from some other unit. Beds were laid out for
these
soldiers in the soldiers' mess hall, which had been opened in one of the
rooms. On these days, there was a great deal of cooking in the kitchen,
and double portions of spirits were brought to the table. 

Shortly before the entry of the trucks, the soldiers went into the
forest,
probably to where the trucks were stopped. 

After half an hour or a full hour, they came back on the trucks,
together
the soldiers that lived in the country house. I would probably never
have
observed this or noticed when the noise began and went silent again. But
every time the trucks entered, if we (myself, Konachowskaja, and
Michailowa)
were in the courtyard, we were driven back into the kitchen or not
allowed
to leave the kitchen if we were in there. Through this circumstance, and
through the fact that I several times noted fresh bloodstains on the
clothing
of two corporals, I was compelled to take careful note of everything
that
went on in the country house. I then noticed the strange intermediate
pauses
in the movement of the trucks and their behaviour in the forest. I also
noticed that the bloodstains were always on the clothing of the same two
men, two corporals. One of them was a big one with red hair; the other,
of medium build, was blond. For this reason, I drew the conclusion that
the Germans were bringing people to the summer house by truck and then
shooting
them. I even guessed where everything was happening and, when I left the
house or came back to it, I noticed earth thrown up at several places
not
far from the highway. The places where the earth lay got bigger from day
to day. In the course of time the earth at these spots nevertheless took
on its usual shape again. 

To the question by the Special Commission as to which persons were shot
in the forest near the country house, Aleksejewa answered that Polish
prisoners
of war were shot there; and to confirm her testimony she stated: 

"There were days on which the trucks did not enter the country house.
The soldiers however left the country house and went into the forest.
From
there, frequent shots could be heard. After their return, the soldiers
always
went into the bathroom and then they drank. 

"And then there was another such case. Once, I stayed longer than usual
in the country house. Michailowa and Konachowskaja had already gone
away.
I was not yet finished with my work, I had stayed for that reason, when
suddenly a soldier came up to me and said I could go. In so doing, he
made
reference to Rose's order. The same soldier accompanied me to the
highway.


"After I passed the curve in the highway 150200 metres from the country
house, I saw a group of about 30 Polish prisoners of war marching along
the highway under reinforced guard. 

"That they were Poles I already knew, because I had already met Polish
prisoners of war on the embankment roadway before the outbreak of the
war
<between Germany and the USSR' and for some time after the Germans
came; the Poles always wore the same uniform, with a characteristic
fourcornered
cap. 

"I remained by the edge of the road to see where they were being taken,
and I saw them turn aside at the curve to our Kosji Gori country house.


"Since I had already carefully observed all events from the country
house before this time, I took great interest in this event on that day;
I turned back a short distance on the embankment roadway, and hid in the
bushes by the side of the road to await further events. 20 or 30 minutes
later, I heard the characteristic individual shots which were so well
known
to me. 

"Then everything came clear to me, and I went home quickly. 

"From this fact, I concluded that the Germans not only shot the Poles
during the day, when we were working, but also at night, during our
absence.


"This became still more clear to me when I remembered that the entire
staff of officers and soldiers living at the country house, except for
the
guards, slept until late in the day, and only woke up around 12 noon. 

"Sometimes we could tell when the Poles were arriving at Kosji Gori,
>from  the tense atmosphere which prevailed in the country house on such
days.


"All officers then left the country house; only individual duty officers
remained behind in the building, and the duty officer controlled all
posts
by telephone without interruption..." 

Michailowa OA stated: 

"In September 1941, very frequent shots could be heard in the Kosji
Gori forest. At the beginning, I took no particular notice of the trucks
arriving at the country house; they were covered on all four sides,
painted
green, and accompanied by noncommissioned officers. Later I noticed that
these trucks were never parked in our garages, and were not unloaded
either.
These trucks arrived very often, especially in September 1941. 

"Among the noncommissioned officers who always sat in the cabin next
to the driver, I noticed one tall one with a pallid complexion and red
hair.
When these trucks came into the country house, all the noncommissioned
officers,
as if they were obeying an order, went into the bathroom, washed
themselves
for a long time, and then drank in the country house. 

"Once this tall redhaired German left the truck and went straight into
the kitchen, where he asked for water. As he drank the water from the
glass,
I noticed a bloodstain on the right cuff of his uniform." 

Michailowa O.A. and Konachowskaja S.P. once saw with their own eyes how
two Polish prisoners of war were shot after apparently escaping the
Germans
and had being recaptured. 

Michailowa stated the following in this regard: 

"Once Konachowskaja and I were working in the kitchen as usual, and
we heard noise not far from the house. When we came out of the kitchen,
we saw two Polish prisoners of war surrounded by German soldiers,
explaining
something to noncommissioned officer Rose. Then Lt. Col. Arnes came up
and
spoke a few words to Rose. We got out of the way, since we were afraid
Rose
would shoot us for our curiosity. But we were noticed anyway, and the
mechanic
Linewski chased us away on Roses order into the kitchen, and then he led
Poles away from the country house. After a few minutes, we heard shots.
The German soldiers and noncommissioned officers, who returned shortly
afterwards,
were talking to each other excitedly. Konachowskaja and I were driven to
leave the kitchen once more by the desire to find out what the Germans
had
done with the Poles whom they had arrested. Arnes' adjutant, who went
out
with us at the same time, asked Rose something in German, whereupon the
latter answered in German "Alles in Ordnung'everything OK'".
I understood these words, because they were often used by Germans in
conversations
with each other. I concluded from all these events that the two Poles
had
been shot." 

Similar statements were made in this regard by Konachowskaja S.P.: 

Intimidated by what was going on in the country house, Alekskaja,
Michailowa,
and Konachowskaja decided to quit their jobs at the country house on
some
pretext. They used the salary cut from 9 to 3 marks monthly, implemented
at the beginning of January 1942 and, upon Michailowa's suggestion, did
not go to work. The same evening, a car arrived; a man took them to the
country house, and locked them in a cold room for punishment. Michailowa
was locked up for 8 days; Aleksejewa and Konachowskaja for 3 days. 

After they had undergone this punishment, they were all released. 

During their work in the country house, Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and
Konachowskaja
were afraid to exchange their observations of what was going on in the
country
house.Only in confinement, when they were all locked in, did they
exchange
their thoughts during the night: 

Michailowa stated during the interrogation of 24 December 1943: 

"That was the first time we spoke of what was going on in the country
house. I told everything I knew, but it turned out that Konachowskaja
and
Aleksejewa were already aware of all these things. But they were afraid
to speak to me about them. Here I found out that the Germans in Kosji
Gori
were shooting Polish prisoners of war in particular, since Aleksejewa
told
how she was going home from work once in the autumn of 1941 and
personally
saw the Germans herding a big group of Polish prisoners of war into the
Kosji Gori forest. Some time later she heard shots at that spot." 

Aleksejewa and Konachowskaja testified to the same effect. 

Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and Konachowskaja came to the firm conviction,
after
comparing their observations, that mass shootings of Polish prisoners of
war were being carried on at the Kosji Gori country house in August and
September 1941. 

The testimonies of Aleksejewa are confirmed by the testimony of her
father
Aleksejew Michail, to whom she reported her observations concerning the
crimes being committed by the Germans at the country house in the autumn
of 1941 while she was still working there. 

"For a long time she didn't say a single word," Aleksejew Michail
testified, "Only when returned from her work, she complained that it
was strange to work there and that she didn't know how she could get
away.
When I asked her what made it so strange, she answered that shots could
very often be heard in the forest. Once, when she came back home, she
told
me confidentially that the Germans were shooting Poles in the Kosji Gori
forest. After listening to my daughter, I warned her most severely not
to
speak to anyone else about it. otherwise the Germans would find out
about
it and our whole family would suffer." 

The testimony concerning the transport of Polish prisoners of war to
Kosji
Gori in small groups of 2030 men under a guard of 57 German soldiers is
made by other witnesses interrogated by the Special Commission: KISSELEW
P.G., farmer from the Kosji Gori dairy farm; KRIWOSERZEW M.G., joiner
from
the station Krasnyi Bor in the Katyn forest: IWANOW S.W., exforeman at
Gnesdowo
station in the region of the Katyn forest; SAWWATEJEW IW, duty officer
at
the same station; ALEKSEJEW M.A., president of the collective farm at
the
village of Borok; OGLOBLIN A.P., priest of the church of Kuprin, and
others.


These witnesses also heard shots resounding from the Kosji Gori forest.
An especially great breakthrough for the investigation of the events at
the Kosji Gori country house in the autumn of 1941 was provided by the
professor
of astronomy, Director BASILEWSKI B.W., of the observatory at Smolensk.
Professor Basilewski was appointed representative of the head of the
city
(the mayor) by force during the first days of the German occupation of
Smolensk,
while the lawyer MENSCHAGIN B.G. was appointed head of the city by the
Germans,
who later took him away with them. MENSCHAGIN was a traitor who enjoyed
the special trust of the German command, and especially that of the
commandant
of Smolensk, von SCHWEZ. 

In early September 1941, Basilewski asked Menschagin to ask commandant
von
Schwez to release the teacher SCHIGLINSKI from prisoner of war camp no.
126. In fulling this request, Menschagin talked to von Schwez, and then
told Basilewski that his request could not be granted because, as von
Schwez
said, "an order had come from Berlin prescribing the immediate
application
of the strictest regime relating to prisoners of war and permitting no
indulgence
in this matter." 

"I couldn't help objecting", testified witness Basilewski, "'But
What could be stricter than the regime prevailing in the camp now?'"
Menschagin looked at me strangely and, coming very close to me, answered
softly, "'It can be'a lot tougher'. The Russians will at least
die off by themselves, but as for the prisoners of war, it was simply
proposed
to exterminate them.'" 

"'How? How am I to understand that?'" I cried. 

"You are to understand it literally. There is such an order from
Berlin,"
answered Menschagin, requesting me, 'for God's sake', not to say a word
about it to anyone." 

"Two weeks later, after the above mentioned talk with Menschagin, when
I was again received by him, I could not help asking him: 'What have you
heard about the Poles?' 

Menschagin hesitated a little and then answered, 'It's all up with them.
Von Schwez told me that they have been shot somewhere in the vicinity of
Smolensk.' 

"Since Menschagin noticed my excitement, he warned me again of the
need to keep this matter strictly secret, and then he began to explain
the
German manner of procedure in this matter. He said, 'the shooting of the
Poles was a link in the whole chain of anti-Polish policies carried out
by the Germans, which was to be especially tightened up in view of
conclusion
of the treaty between the Russians and the Poles.'" 

Basilewski also told the Special Commission about his conversation with
the Special Leader of the 7th Division of the German commander
Hirschfeld,
a Baltic German who spoke good Russian: 

"Hirschfeld cynically explained that the perniciousness and inferiority
of the Poles had been historically proven, and that the reduction in
Polish
population figures would serve to fertilize the soil and provide a
guarantee
for the expansion of German living space. 

"In this connection, Hirschfeld bragged that nothing was left of the
intelligentsia in Poland, since they had all been hanged, shot, or taken
away to concentration camps." 

The testimony of the witness Basilewski was confirmed by the witness,
physics
professor Jefimow J.E., interrogated by the Special Commission, to whom
Basilewski told of his conversation with Menschagin in the autumn of
1941.


The testimony of Basilewski and Jefimow is strengthened by documentary
evidence
in the form of handwritten notes by Menschagin, in his own handwriting,
jotted down in his notebook. 

This notebook, containing 17 full pages, was found in the files of the
city
administration of Smolensk after its liberation. The fact that this
notebook
belonged to Menschagin, and was also in his handwriting, is confirmed
both
by the testimony of Basilewski, who was well familiar with Menschagin's
handwriting, and by graphological reports. 

As may be seen from the dates contained in the notebook, the contents
concern
the period from the early days of August 1941 until November of the same
year. 

Among the various notes with regards to economic matters (wood,
electrical
energy, commerce, etc.) there are a number of notes concerning
instructions
>from  the commander of Smolensk, made by Menschagin in order not to
forget
them. 

>From  these notes, it may be clearly seen that the city administration
was
concerned with a number of matters as the body carrying out all the
instructions
of the German command. 

The first of the three pages of the note book describe the organization
of the Ghetto and the system of reprisals to be carried out relating to
the Jews. Page 10, dated 15 August 1941, states: "All escaped Polish
prisoners of war are to be arrested and brought to the command post."
Page 15, (without date), states: 

"Are there any rumours circulating among the populace of shootings
of Polish prisoners of war at Kosji Gory (to Umnow)?" 

>From  the initial notes, it may be seen that, on 15 August 1941, the
Polish
prisoners of war were still in the region of Smolensk, and that they
were
furthermore being arrested by the German authorities. 

The second note proves that the German command, disturbed by the
possibility
of the existence of rumours among the civilian population about crimes
committed
by the Germans, gave special instructions to investigate the matter. 

Umnow, who is mentioned in the note, was chief of the Russian police in
Smolensk during the first months of the occupation. 

Beginning of German provocation 

In the winter of 1942-43, the general military situation changed
fundamentally,
and not in favour of the Germans. The military power of the Soviet Union
was constantly increasing, and the alliance between the Soviet Union
with
the Allies was strengthening. The Germans decided to initiate a
provocation
by taking the atrocities which they themselves had committed in the
forest
of Katyn and accusing the Soviet authorities of having committed them.
They
thus intended to divide the Russians and the Poles and wipe away the
trace
of their crime. 

The priest from the village of Kuprino, district Smolensk, A.P.
OGLOBLIN,
testified: 

"The Germans took up this matter after the events at Stalingrad, when
they were feeling unsure of themselves. Among the people, it was said
that
the Germans were attempting to improve their position." 

Concerned with expanding the Katyn provocation, the Germans first began
to search for "witnesses" able to offer the testimony desired
by the Germans, under the influence of promises, bribes, or threats. 

The farmer KISSELEW Parfen Gawrilowitsch, born 1870, who lived closer to
the Kosji Gori country house than anyone else, attracted the attention
of
the Germans. Kisselew was told to report to the Gestapo as early as the
end of 1942, and after under the threat of reprisals was requested to
offer
perjured testimony about the matter, stating that he knew that the
Bolsheviks
had shot the Polish prisoners of war in the Kosji Gori country house of
the NKWD in early 1940. 

Kisselew testified in this regard: 

"In autumn 1942, two policemen came to my house and said I had to report
to the Gestapo at Gnesdowo railway station. 

"The same day, I went to the Gestapo, which was housed in a twostory
house next to the railway station. In the room which I entered, there
was
a German officer and an interpreter. The German officer began to
interrogate
me through the interpreter, asking how long I had lived in the district,
what I did, and my financial situation. I told him I had lived in the
farmstead
next to Kosji Gori since 1907 and worked on my property. About my
financial
situation, I said I was having difficulties, because I was already old
and
my sons were in the army. 

"After this short conversation, the officer explained to me that the
Gestapo had reports stating that members of the KNWD office had shot the
Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest not far from Kosji Gori in
1940.
He asked what testimony I could make about it. I answered that I had
never
heard anything about the NKWD office carrying out any shootings in the
Kosji
Gori. I furthermore explained to the officer that I considered it
impossible
to carry out shootings there, since Kosji Gory was very openly exposed,
and thickly populated. The whole populace in the neighbouring villages
must
surely have known of it. 

"The officer answered that I was to make such a statement, since the
aforementioned fact had allegedly really taken place. A big reward was
promised
me for this testimony. 

"I repeatedly explained to the officer that I had heard nothing of
the shootings, and that something like this could simply not happen at
all
before the war in our region. The officer nevertheless insisted that I
was
to make the perjured statement. 

"After the first conversation, of which I have already spoken, I was
called to the Gestapo for a second time in February 1942. 

"At this time, it was known to me that other residents of the
neighbouring
villages had also been ordered to report to the Gestapo, and they had
been
ordered to make the same testimony. 

"In the Gestapo were the same officer and interpreter who had
interrogated
me the first time. 

"Again they demanded that I should testify that I was an eyewitness
to the shootings of Polish officers allegedly carried out in 1940 by the
NKWD. 

I explained to the Gestapo officer once again that this was a lie, since
I had heard nothing of the shootings before the war, and that I would
not
make the perjured statement. But the interpreter refused to listen to
me,
took a handwritten document from the table, and read it to me. It said
that
I, KISSELEW, lived in the farmstead not far from Kosji Gori, and had
myself
seen employees of the NKWD shooting the Polish officers in 1940. 

After the interpreter had read it to me, he suggested that I sign the
document.
I refused. The interpreter tried to force me to sign by means of threats
and insults, Finally he said, 'Either you sign immediately, or you will
be killed. You have to choose!' 

"I was now afraid, and signed the document, figuring that the matter
was at an end. After the Germans organized the visit to the graves of
Katyn
by various 'delegations', I was forced to speak before the Polish
'delegation.'"


Kisselew forgot the contents of the statement signed in the Gestapo
office,
got mixed up, and finally refused to speak. Then the Gestapo had him
arrested,
and, by beating him for a month a half without mercy, forced him to
agree
to appear again in public. 

In this regard, Kisselew testifies: 

"In reality, it happened differently. In the spring of 1943, the Germans
announced that they had discovered the graves of the Polish officers in
in the Kosji Gori region of the Katyn forest, after having been
allegedly
shot by the NKWD. 

"Soon afterwards, a Gestapo interpreter came to my house and drove
me into the Kosji Gori region of the Katyn forest. After leaving my
house,
the interpreter warned me privately that when I was in the forest, to
say
everything just exactly as stated in the statement signed in the Gestapo
office. 

"When we got to the forest, I saw excavated graves and a group of
persons
unknown to me. The interpreter told me they were 'Polish delegates' who
were coming to view the graves. 

"When we approached the graves, the 'delegates' began to ask me various
questions in the Russian language relating to the shooting of the Poles.


"But since over a month had passed since I was told to report to the
Gestapo, I had forgotten everything contained in the document signed by
me. So I got mixed up and finally said that I didn't know anything about
the shooting of the Polish officers. 

"The German officer got very angry, and the interpreter pushed and
pulled me brutally away from the 'delegation'. The next day, a car with
a Gestapo officer in it came to my house. When the officer found me in
the
courtyard, he explained that I was under arrest, put me in the car and
took
me to Smolensk prison. 

"After my arrest I was often called for interrogation, but they beat
me more than they interrogated me. During my first interrogation they
beat
me badly and accused me of slandering them. Then they brought me back to
my cell. 

"In the next interrogation, they told me I had to declare publicly
that I was an eyewitness to the shootings of the Polish officers by the
Bolsheviks and that I would not get out of prison until the Gestapo was
convinced that I would fulfil my task to the best of my ability. I told
the officer that I would rather rot in prison than pull the wool over
people's
eyes. After that, they beat me very badly. 

"These interrogations, in which I was beaten, were repeated. The result
was that I completely lost my strength, partially lost my hearing, and
could
no longer move my right arm. 

"Approximately a month after my arrest the German officer called me
to him and said, 'Now, you see, Kisselew, what your obstinacy has cost
you.
We have decided to carry out a death sentence upon you. Tomorrow you
will
be driven to the Katyn forest and hanged. I asked the officer not to do
that, and tried to convince him that I was unfit for the role of
eyewitness
to the shootings, because I simply could not lie and would therefore
simply
get something mixed up again. But the officer stuck to his insistence. 

"A few minutes later, soldiers came into the room and began to beat
me with rubber truncheons. I could not stand the beatings and
mistreatment
and agreed to confirm the perjured statement regarding the shooting of
the
Polish officers by the Bolsheviks. Then I was released from prison. At
the
same time, they told me that I had to speak in front of the 'delegates'
at the first request of the Germans in the Katyn forest. Each time,
before
we drove to the excavated graves in the Katyn forest, the interpreter
came
to my home, called me out into the courtyard, took me aside so that
nobody
could hear us, and made me learn everything by heart for half an hour,
completely
and in detail, that I had to say about the alleged shootings of the
Polish
officers by the NKWD in 1940. 

"I remember that the interpreter told me'to say' approximately
the following: 

"'I live on the farmstead in the Kosji Gori region not far from the
KNWD country house. In early 1940, I saw how them bringing the Poles
into
the forest and shooting them there every night.' 

I also had to repeat word for word that this was the work of the NKWD. 

"After I had learnt by heart everything the interpreter told me, he
drove me into the forest to the excavated graves and told me to repeat
everything
in the presence of the visiting 'delegation'. My remarks were strictly
noted
and orchestrated by the Gestapo interpreter. 

"Once, when I appeared before a 'delegation', they asked me whether
I had ever seen the Poles before they were shot by the Bolsheviks. 

"I was not prepared for this question, and declared that I had seen
the Polish prisoners of war before the beginning of the war engaged in
road
construction work, which was also true. At this, the interpreter pushed
me aside roughly, and chased me home. Please believe me when I say that
I was constantly tortured by remorse, because I knew that the Polish
officers
in reality were shot by the Germans in 1941; there was no other way out
for me, since I was afraid of repeated arrest and torture." 

The testimony of Kisselew P.G. regarding his visit to the Gestapo and
subsequent
arrest and beatings are confirmed by his wife, Kisselewa Asksinija, born
1870, who resides with him; his son, Kisselew Wassili, born 1911; and
his
daughterinlaw, Kisselewa Maria, born 1918; as well as railway master
Sergejew
Timotej Iwanowitch, born 1901, who also lives with Kisselew at the
farmstead.


The injuries inflicted upon Kisselew by the Gestapo (injured shoulder,
significant
hearing loss) were confirmed by forensic examination report. 

In the search for 'witnesses', the Germans then took an interest in the
workers at Gnesdowo railway station, located two and half kilometres
away
>from  Kosji Gori. 

The Polish prisoners of war first arrived at this station in the spring
of 1940, and the Germans obviously wished to obtain corresponding
testimony
>from  railway workers. To this purpose, the Germans, in the spring of
1943,
ordered the former station master of Gnesdowo, IWANOW S.W., and the duty
officer SAWWATEJEW I.W., among others, to report to the Gestapo. 

Regarding the circumstances of his visit to the Gestapo, Iwanow S.W.,
born
1882, stated: 

"...It was in March 1943. A German officer interrogated me in the
presence
of an interpreter. He asked me through the interpreter what I did, and
what
my job was at Gnesdowo before the occupation of the area by the Germans;
the officer asked me whether I knew that the Polish prisoners of war
arrived
by railway in early 1940 in Gnesdowo in large groups. 

"I said, that I knew nothing about it. 

"The officer then asked me whether I knew that the Polish officers
were shot by the Bolsheviks in the year in question, the spring of 1940,
soon after their arrival. 

"I answered that I knew nothing about it, and that this could not be
true, since I had seen the Polish officers who arrived at Gnesdowo in
the
spring of 1940 doing road construction work in 194041, until the city of
Smolensk was taken by the Germans. 

"The officer then told me: 'If a German officer says that the Poles
were shot by the Bolsheviks, then that corresponds to the facts.
Therefore',
the officer continued, 'you need have no fear; you may sign the
statement
with a clear conscience, stating that the Polish prisoners of war were
shot
by the Bolsheviks, and that you were an eyewitness to it.'" 

"I answered that I was an old man, 61 years old, and didn't want to
burden my soul with sins. I could only testify that the Polish officers
actually arrived in the spring of 1940 in Gnesdowo. 

"The German officer then attempted to convince me to make the desired
statement by promising to transfer me from my present job as
intermediate
station master to another post, and to make me station master at
Gnesdowo,
which is what I was under the Soviets, as well as taking care of me from
a financial point of view. 

"The interpreter emphasized that the German command placed great value
on my testimony as former railway employee at Gnesdowo, the station
nearest
the Katyn forest, and that I would not be sorry if I made the desired
statement.


"I saw that I was in an extremely difficult position and that a sad
fate awaited me, but I still refused to make the perjured statement to
the
German officer. 

"The officer then tricked me. He threatened me to have me beaten or
shot, declaring that I did not understand my best interests. But I stood
resolutely by my refusal. 

"The interpreter then wrote a short statement in the German language,
one page long, and told me what it said. The interpreter told me it only
contained the fact that the Poles arrived in Gnesdowo. But when I asked
to sign my statement not only in German, but in Russian as well, the
officer
lost his temper, beat me with a rubber truncheon, and threw me out."


SAWWATEJEW I.W. born 1880, testified: 

"...In the Gestapo, I said that the Polish prisoners actually arrived
in the spring of 1940 at Gnesdowo with their own railway transport, and
that they continued by motor transport, where, I don't know. I also
added
that I later saw the Poles several times on the MoscowMinsk highway
doing
highway repair work in small groups. 

"The officer told me that I was mistaken, and that I could not have
seen the Poles on the highway, since they had been shot by the
Bolsheviks.
He asked me to make a statement about this. I refused. After many
threats
and attempts at persuasion, the officer consulted with the interpreter
about
something, speaking in the German language. The interpreter then wrote a
short statement and presented it to me for signature, saying that it
contained
<only' the statements I had made. I asked the interpreter if I could
read it through for myself, but he interrupted me with insults and
ordered
me to sign the document immediately and to get out. I hesitated a
minute;
the interpreter grabbed a rubber truncheon hanging on the wall and
raised
it to hit me. I then signed the statement which had been placed before
me.
The interpreter told me to get out, and not to blab anything to anybody
or they would have me shot..." 

In their search for "witnesses", the Germans did not stop at the
above mentioned persons. They tried to find former NKWD employees and
force
them to make the perjured statements desired by the Germans. The Germans
then arrested the former NKWD garage worker for the region of Smolensk,
IGNATIUK E.L., and tried very hard, through threats and beatings, to
force
a statement out of him saying that he was not a garage worker, but a
driver,
and had personally driven the Polish prisoners of war to the location of
the shootings. IGNATIUK E.L., born 1903, stated: 

"During my first interrogation by police chief ALFERTSCHIK, he accused
me of antiGerman slander activity, and asked me what my job was with the
NKWD. I answered that I was employed in the NKWD office, region of
Smolensk,
as a worker. During the same interrogation, Alfertschik asked me to make
a statement saying that was I employed in the NKWD office not as a
worker,
but as a driver. When Alfertschik failed to obtain the desired
statement,
he became enraged and tied me up, him and his adjutant, whom he
addressed
by the name "Schorsch", tying a rag around my head and mouth;
they took down my pants, laid me on a table and beat me with rubber
truncheons.
They then called me to interrogation once again, and Alfertschik asked
me
to make the perjured statement that the Polish prisoners of war were
shot
in the Katyn forest in 1940 by the Bolsheviks, and that I knew all about
it since I had driven the Polish officers to the Katyn forest and was
present
during the shootings. If I agreed to make such a statement, Alfertschik
promised to release me from prison and give me a job in the police,
where
living conditions were very good; otherwise, he would have me shot. The
last time, I was interrogated in the police station by the examining
magistrate
ALEXANDROW, who, like Alfertschik, demanded the desired perjured
statement
>from  me. But I refused. 

"After this interrogation, they beat me repeatedly and brought me to
the Gestapo. In the Gestapo, they demanded that I make the perjured
statement
about the shooting of the Polish officers in the Katyn forest in 1940,
that
it was done by the Soviets, and that as a driver I allegedly had to know
all about it." 

In the book published by the German Foreign Office, containing material
falsified by the Germans on the "Katyn affair", the above mentioned
KISSELEW P.G., among others, is presented as a "witness". The
following persons are also cited as "witnesses": 

GODOSOW (identical with GODUNOW), born 1877; 

SILWERSTOW GRIGORI, born 1891; 

ANDREJEW IWAN, born 1917; 

SHIGULEW MICHAIL, born 1915; 

KRIWOSERZEW IWAN, born 1915, and 

SACHAROW MATWEJ, born 1893. 

It has been proven by investigation that the first two of the above
mentioned
persons (GODOSOW and SILWERSTOW) died in 1943 before the liberation of
the
region of Smolensk by the Red Army; the three following persons,
ANDREJEW,
SHIGULEW, and KRIWOSERZEW), either fled with the Germans or were taken
away
with the Germans by force. The last named SACHAROW MATWEJ, former
railway
carriage coupler at Smolensk railway station, who worked as village
elder
in Nowye Bateki, was found and interrogated by the Special Commission.
Sacharow
explained the manner in which the Germans obtained the perjured
statement
on the "Katyn affair". 

"In early March 1943," Sacharow stated, "a Gestapo worker
>from  Gnesdowo, whose name I can no longer remember, came to my house and
said that a German officer wanted to see me. When I got to the Gestapo,
the officer told me through an interpreter: 'We know that you worked as
a railway carriage coupler at Smolensk railway station, and therefore
you
must testify that the railway carriages with the Polish prisoners of war
came through the city of Smolensk to Gnesdowo station in 1940, and that
the Poles were then shot in the forest in the region of Kosji Gori'. To
this, I answered that the carriages with the Poles in them actually came
through the city of Smolensk in 1940 headed west, but which station they
got off at, was not known to me. The officer told me that if I didn't
make
the statement of my own free will, he would force me to. With these
words,
he took a rubber truncheon from the wall and began to beat me. Then they
laid me on a bench, and the officer and interpreter both beat me. I no
longer
know how many times they hit me, because I lost consciousness. When I
came
to, the officer asked me to sign the statement. I allowed myself to be
intimidated
by their blows and threats to shoot me, made perjured testimony, and
signed
the statement. I was then released by the Gestapo. A few days after my
order
to report to the Gestapo, it was about midMarch 1943, the interpreter
came
to my house and said I had to go to a German general and confirm my
statement.
When we got to the general, the general asked me whether I confirmed my
statement. I said yes, because the interpreter had told me on the way
that
if I didn't confirm my statement, I would get even worse than the first
time I went to the Gestapo. Out of fear of torture, I answered that I
did
confirm my statement. The interpreter ordered me to raise by right arm
and
told me that I had just sworn an oath, and could go home." 

It has been proven that the Germans attempted to obtain the desired
statements
>from  other persons as well, including the former assistant director of
Smolensk
prison, KAWERSNEW N.S.; a worker in the same prison, KOWALEW W.G.; and
others,
by persuading, threatening and mistreating the above mentioned persons.
Since the search for for "witnesses" failed to bear fruit, the
Germans distributed the following leaflet in the neighbouring villages,
an original of which is contained in the files of the Special
Commission:


"NOTICE TO THE CIVIL POPULATION 

"Who can testify to the mass shootings of Polish prisoners of war and
priests'!!??' committed by the Bolsheviks in 1940 in the Kosji Gori
forest on the GnesdowoKatyn highway? 

Who saw motor transports from Gnesdowo to Kosji Gori? 

Who heard about the shootings or was personally an eyewitness? 

Who knows residents capable of testifying in this regard? 

All information in this connection will be rewarded. 

All communications should be sent to the German police, Museumstrasse 6,
or, in Gnesdowo, to the German police, House no. 105 (at the railway
station).


3 May 1943 

FOSS 

Lieutenant, Field Police 

The same notice was published in the newspaper "DER NEUE WEG"
(no. 35 (157) of 6 May 1943, published by the Germans, in the city of
Smolensk.


That the Germans promised a reward for the desired testimony about the
"Katyn
affair" was proven by the Special Commission through the interrogation
of witnesses and residents of the city of Smolensk: 

SOKOLOWA O.E., PUSCHTSCHINA E.A., BYTSCHKOW J.J., BONDAREW G.T., USTINOW
E.P., and many others. 

The falsification of the graves at Katyn 

Simultaneously to the search for "witnesses", the Germans began
a corresponding falsification of the graves in the Katyn forest. They
began
to remove all documents dated later than April 1940, i.e., originating
from
the time at which, according to the German provocative slanders, the
Poles
had been shot by the Bolsheviks from the clothing of the Poles shot by
the
Germans, that is, all exhibits able to disprove these provocative
slanders.


The investigations of the Special Commission have proven that the
Germans
used approximately 500 Russian prisoners of war recruited from camp no.
126 for this purpose. The Special Commission has numerous witness
testimonies
at its disposal relating to this matter. 

The testimonies of the doctors from the above named camp merit special
attention;
the doctor of medicine TSCHISCHOW A.T., who worked in camp no. 126
during
the occupation of Smolensk, stated: 



From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Sun Jul 14 07:45:39 PDT 1996
Article: 50151 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.internetmci.com!newsfeed.internetmci.com!in2.uu.net!tank.news.pipex.net!pipex!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: TEST 4 [2/2]
Date: Sun, 14 Jul 1996 01:18:06 +0100
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"In early March 1943, a group totalling 500 men of the strongest
prisoners
of war were selected in the prisoner of war camp no. 126 in Smolensk in
order, it was stated, to send them to construction work. Not one of
these
prisoners of war ever returned to the camp." 

The doctor of medicine CHMYROW W.A., who also worked in the camp during
the German occupation, stated: 

"It is known to me that, approximately in the second half of February
or the beginning of March 1943, approximately 500 Red Army prisoners of
war from our camp were transported in an undisclosed direction. These
prisoners
of war were said to be going to do construction work, and therefore the
Germans selected the most powerfully built men." 

Similar statements were made by the nurses SENKOWSKAJA O.G., TIMOFEJEWA
A.J., the female witnesses ORLOVA P.M., DOBROSERDOVA E.G., and the
witness
KOTSCHETKOW W.S.. 

Where these 500 Soviet prisoners of war were actually sent from camp no.
126 is clear from the testimony of the female witness MOSKOWSKAJA A.M..


MOSKOSKAJA ALEKSANDRA MICHAILOWNA, who live on the outskirts of the city
of Smolensk and worked in the kitchen of one of the German troop
divisions
during the occupation, made a statement on 5 October 1943 to the Special
Commission for the Examination of the Atrocities of the German Invaders,
with the request to be called upon to give important eyewitness
testimony.


She told the Special Commission that once, in March 1943, upon entering
her shed, located in the farm on the banks of the Dnjepr, she found an
unknown
person, who, as it turned out, was a Russian prisoner of war. 

MOSKOWSKAJA A.M. (born 1922) stated: 

"From conversation with him, I learned the following: 

"His name was JEGOROW, first name Nikolai, from Leningrad. 

"Since the end of 1941, he had lived in German concentration camps
for prisoners of war in the city of Smolensk. 

"In early March 1943, he was sent to the Katyn forest with a column
of 100 prisoners of war from the camp. There they were all ordered,
including
Jegorow, to excavate graves containing corpses in Polish officers's
uniforms,
to drag these corpses out of the graves, and to remove all documents,
photographs,
and other objects from their pockets. It was strictly prohibited to
leave
anything in their pockets. Two prisoners of war were shot because the
German
officer found some papers on the corpses after the prisoners had already
examined them. All objects, documents, and letters removed from the
clothing
were examined by the German officers. Then the prisoners of war were
ordered
to put some of these papers back in the pockets of the corpses; the rest
were thrown onto a pile of objects and documents removed from the
corpses,
and burnt soon afterwards. Furthermore, other papers were produced from
a chest or box that the Germans had brought with them; these papers were
placed in the pockets of the corpses of the Polish officers. All the
prisoners
of war lived in the Katyn forest under fearful conditions and under
strict
guard. 

"In early April 1943, all the work planned by the Germans was finished;
the prisoners of war were not forced to go to work for three days. 

"In the night, the Germans woke them all up and took them somewhere.
The guard was reinforced. Jegorow was suspicious, and took particular
note
of everything that happened. They walked 3 to 4 hours in an unknown
direction.
They stopped in a meadow in the forest in front of a ditch. Jegorow
watched
as the Germans separated a group of prisoners of war from the rest of
the
human mass, forced them to the ditch, and then shot them. 

"The prisoners of war were excited, and started shouting and moving
about. Not far from Jegorow, a few prisoners jumped a guard, and the
other
guards ran to this spot. 

"Jegorow took advantage of the momentary confusion to run into the
darkness of the woods; at the same time, he heard shouts and shots
behind
him. 

"After this fearful tale, which will remain seared into my memory for
an entire lifetime, I felt sorry for Jegorow and invited him into my
apartment
so he could warm up and hide until he regained his strength. But Jegorow
refused. He said he absolutely had to leave that night in order to cross
the front line. But he didn't leave that night. The next morning, I
found
him still in the shed. As it turned out, he had made repeated attempts
to
go away during the night, but after he had gone fifty steps he felt weak
and was forced to return. It was probably the result of the continual
malnutrition
in the camp and the starvation during the last few days. We agreed that
he would stay one or two days with me, in order to recover his strength.
I gave him food and went to work. 

"When I came back that evening, my neighbours, BARANOWA MARIA IWANOWNA
and KABANOWSKAJA KATHERINA VIKTOROWNA, told me that the German police
had
discovered a Red Army prisoner of war in my shed during their patrol,
whom
they took away with them." 

Since a prisoner of war had been found in Moskowskaja's shed, she was
told
to report to the Gestapo, where she was accused of hiding a prisoner of
war. During her interrogation by the Gestapo, Moskowskaja denied her
relations
with this prisoner of war and claimed that she knew nothing of his
presence
in her shed. Since Moskowskaja did not admit her guilt and the prisoner
of war Jegorow did not betray her, she was released by the Gestapo. 

Jegorow also told Moskowskaja that a group of prisoners of war working
in
the Katyn forest, in addition to digging up the bodies were further
occupied
with bringing corpses from other locations. The corpses transported to
the
Katyn forest were piled up in the graves, together with the corpses
which
had previously been dug up. 

The fact that a great number of corpses of persons shot by the Germans
at
other locations were transported to the graves at Katyn is also
confirmed
by the testimony of the mechanic SUCHATSCHEW. 

SUCHATSCHEW P.F. (born 1912), a mechanical engineer from
"Roskglawchjleb",
who worked for the Germans as a machinist in the city mills of Smolensk,
filed a request on 8.10.43 to be permitted to testify. 

When he appeared, he stated: 

"In the mill, during the second half of March 1943, I once talked to
a German driver who spoke a little Russian. After it came out that he
was
carrying meal for a division in the village of Sawenky and would be
coming
back to Smolensk the next day, I asked him to take him with me in order
that I might have the opportunity to buy fats. In so doing, I was
calculating
that riding in a German truck would eliminate the risk of my being
stopped
at a checkpoint. 

"The German driver agreed for a sum of money. We left the same day
at about 10:00 P.M., taking the SmolenskWitebsk highway. 

"There were two of us in the truck: me and the German driver. It was
a bright night; the moon was shining, but the fog hindered visibility.
About
2223 kilometres from Smolensk, there was a curve at a destroyed bridge
with
a rather steep embankment. We left the highway and travelled down the
embankment;
then a truck suddenly appeared out of the fog. Either our brakes were
not
very good or the driver was not very experienced; we could not brake the
truck, and, since the road was rather narrow, we had a collision with
the
truck coming in the opposite direction. The collision was not a bad one,
since the driver of the oncoming truck succeeded in swerving out of the
way, as a result only scraping the sides of both trucks. The oncoming
truck
turned over however, and fell down the embankment. Our truck stayed
where
it was. The driver and I got out of the driver's seat and went to the
overturned
truck. 

"I immediately smelt a very strong stench of corpses, which probably
came from the truck. I came closer, and saw that the truck was loaded
with
a cargo covered with tarpaulins and tied down with ropes. The ropes
broke
due to the fall, and part of the cargo fell out. It was a cruel cargo. 

"They were human corpses in military uniforms. As I remember, 67 men,
including a German driver and 2 Germans armed with machine guns, stood
around
the truck. The others were Russian prisoners of war, since they spoke
Russian
and were clothed correspondingly. 

"The Germans began to curse my driver, then they tried to get the truck
back up onto its wheels again. After two minutes, another two trucks
arrived
at the scene of the accident and stopped there. From these trucks came a
group of Germans and Russian prisoners of war, a total of 10 men, and
came
up to us. Using our combined strength, we began to lift the truck. I
took
the opportunity and quietly asked one of the Russian prisoners of war:
'What's
that?' Just as quietly, he answered: 'I don't know how many nights we've
already spent transporting corpses into the Katyn forest'." 

"The overturned truck was still not upright when a German
noncommissioned
officer approached me and my driver, and ordered us to drive on
immediately.


"Since we had not suffered any real damage during the collision, my
driver turned the truck back onto the highway and then drove on. 

"As we drove past the two trucks that had arrived later and were covered
with tarpaulins, I smelt a fearful stench of corpses." 

SUCHATSCHEW's testimony is confirmed by the testimony of Jegorow
Wladimir
Afansjewitsch, who served in the police during the occupation. 

Jegorow testified that, at the end of March and the early days of April
1943, as he guarded the bridges in the line of duty at the intersection
of the MoscowMinsk and SmolenskWitebsk highways, he repeatedly observed
large trucks covered with tarpaulins, exuding the stench of corpses,
passing
in the direction of Smolensk. Several persons, some of who carried
weapons
and doubtlessly were German, always sat in the truck cabins and on top
of
the tarpaulins. 

Jegorow mentioned his observations to the chief of police at the police
station in the village of Archipowka, Golownew Kuzma Demjanowitsch, who
advised him to keep quiet about it and added: "That has nothing to
do with us, we don't need to get mixed up in German affairs." 

That the Germans transported corpses by truck to the Katyn forest was
also
stated by JAKOWLEWSOKOLOW FLOR MAKSINOWITSCH, born 1896, former supply
agent
for the canteen of the Smolensk Trusts for dining rooms, and chief of
the
police district of Katyn during the German occupation. 

He reported that, in early April 1943, he personally observed four
trucks
covered with tarpaulins on which sat several men armed with machine guns
and weapons, turning off the highway into the Katyn forest. A strong
stench
of corpses was perceptible from the trucks. 

All the above mentioned eyewitness testimony permits the conclusion that
the Germans also shot Poles at other locations. In bringing the corpses
to the Katyn forest, the Germans pursued a triple objective: first, to
wipe
out all traces of their own crimes; second, to blame all their crimes on
the Soviets, and third, to multiple the number of "victims of
Bolshevism"
in the graves in the Katyn forest. 

"Visits" to the graves at Katyn 

In April 1943, after the German invaders had finished all preparatory
measures
at the graves in the Katyn forest, they began a widespread agitation in
the press and radio, attempting to blame the Soviets for the atrocities
which they had themselves committed against the Polish prisoners of war.
One of their methods of provocative agitation consisted of organizing
"visits"
to the graves at Katyn by the residents of Smolensk and neighbouring
areas,
as well as by "delegations" from the countries occupied by the
German invaders and in a position of subservience to them. 

The Special Commission interrogated a number of witnesses who
participated
in the "visit" to the graves at Katyn. 

The witness, SUBKOW K.P., an anatomical pathologist working in Smolensk
in his capacity as forensic expert, testified to the Special Commission:


"...The clothing on the corpses, especially the officers' greatcoats,
boots, and belts, held together rather well. The metallic parts of their
clothing, such as belt buckles, buttons, hooks, boot nails, etc. were
not
completely rusted and still retained their metallic lustre at places.
The
tissue of the corpses made available for examination, the tissue of the
face, neck, and hands, was chiefly grey in colour, in individual cases
greenish
brown; but there was no complete decomposition of the tissues, there was
no putrefaction. In individual cases, tendons lay exposed, whitish in
colour;
a number of muscles were visible. During my stay at the excavations,
people
were working on the floor of a deep ditch, separating the bodies and
carrying
them up out of the grave. They used spades and other tools to do so,
grabbing
the corpses with their hands, and dragging them by the arms, feet, and
clothing
>from  one place to another. In no individual case could one observe that
the bodies fell apart, or that individual parts of them came away. 

"With respect to the above, I came to the conclusion that the period
of time during which the corpses had remained in the earth absolutely
could
not amount to three years, as the Germans claimed, but must be much
less.
Since I know that the decomposition of bodies in mass graves, especially
without coffins, occurs much more rapidly than in individual graves, I
came
to the conclusion that the mass shootings of the Poles must have been
carried
out about one and a half years ago, and must date from the autumn of
1941
or early 1942. 

"As a result of visiting the excavations, I became firmly convinced
that this gigantic atrocity was the act of the Germans." 

Testimonies that the clothing on the corpses, the metal parts, the shoes
and the corpses themselves, were well preserved, were offered by all the
witnesses who had participated in "visits" to the graves at Katyn
and were then heard by the Special Commission, i.e.,: the foreman of the
Smolensk water pipeline network, KUTZEW J.S.; the female head of the
school
at Katyn, WETROVA E.N.; the female telephonist of the Smolensk transport
office, SCHTSCHEDROVA N.G.; the resident of the village of Borok,
ALEZEJEW
M.A.; the resident of the village of Nowye Bateki, KRISWOSERZEW N.G.;
the
duty officer at Gnesdowo station, SAWWATEJEW J.W.; the female resident
of
Smolensk, PUSCHTSCHINA E.A.; the doctor of medicine from the 2nd
hospital
at Smolensk, SIDORUK T.A.; the doctor of medicine from the same
hospital,
KESSAREW P.M., and others. 

German attempts to wipe away the traces of their crime 

The "visits" organized by the Germans failed to achieve their
aim. All persons who visited the graves became convinced that they were
witnessing the gross and obvious provocation of the German fascists. 

Therefore measures were taken by the Germans to silence all doubters. 

The Special Commission interrogated a number of witnesses who have
reported
how the Germans persecuted persons who doubted the truth of the
provocation
or did not believe it. They were fired from their jobs, arrested, and
threatened
with shooting. The Commission has established two cases of shooting of
persons
who "couldn't keep their mouths shut". This tactic of violence
was carried out against the former German policeman SAGAINOW and against
JEGOREW A.M., who participated in the excavations in the Katyn forest. 

Testimonies relating to the persecution by the Germans of those persons
who expressed doubt after visiting the graves in the Katyn forest were
offered
by: 

The female attendant at pharmacy no. 1 of Smolensk, SUBAREWA M.S.; the
assistant
to the doctor of hygiene for the Health Division of the Stalinist
District
of Smolensk, KOSLOWA W.F.; and others. 

The former head of the Katyn police district, JAKOWLEWSOKOLOW F.M.
testified:


"A situation arose which caused the most serious disquiet among the
German command, and urgent instructions were issued to all local police
offices to prohibit all harmful talk and to arrest all those persons who
expressed mistrust regarding the 'Katyn affair'". 

"Such instructions were personally issued to me, as head of the police
district, by the following persons: at the end of May 1943, by the
German
commander of the Katyn village, Lt. Col. BRAUN, and, at the beginning of
June, by the head of the police district of Smolensk, KAMANEZKII. 

"I issued instructions to the police in my district stating that all
persons expressing mistrust, and all doubters of the truthfulness of the
German communications on the shooting of the Polish prisoners of war by
the Bolsheviks, were to be arrested and brought to police headquarters.


"In forwarding these instructions from the German authorities, I
hypocritically
concealed the fact that I was myself convinced that the 'Katyn affair'
was
a German provocation. I became completely convinced of it after
participating
in the 'excursion' in the Katyn forest." 

When the German occupation troops noticed that the "excursions"
by the local populace to the graves at Katyn were not successful, they
issued
an order in the summer of 1943 to fill in the graves. 

Before their withdrawal from Smolensk, the Germans hastily began to wipe
away the traces of their atrocities. The country house occupied by the
"Staff
of the Construction Battalion 537" was burnt to the ground. The Germans
searched for the three girls, Aleksejewa, Michailowa, and Konachowskaja,
in the village of Borok, in order to take them with them or to
annihilate
them. They also sought their "chief witness" KISSELEW P.G., who
was, however, successful in concealing himself and his family. The
Germans
burnt his house. 

They also attempted to arrest other "witnesses": the former foreman
of Gnesdowo station, IWANOW S.W.; the former duty officer of the same
station,
SAWWATEJEW J.W.; and the former railway carriage coupler at the station
at Smolensk, SACHAROW M.D. 

. 

During the very last days before the withdrawal from Smolensk the German
fascist occupiers also searched for the professors Basilewski and
Jefimow.
These only succeeded in escaping kidnapping or death by hiding
themselves
in the nick of time. 

But the German fascist invaders were still not successful in covering
their
traces and concealing their crime. 

Forensic examination of the exhumed corpses proves with irrefutable
clarity
that the shooting of the Polish prisoners of war was committed by the
Germans
themselves. 

We proceed now to the files of the forensic expert Commission 

Files of the forensic expert Commission 

By order of the Special Commission for the examination and investigation
of the circumstances of the shooting of the Polish officer prisoners of
war by the German fascist invaders in the Katyn forest (in the vicinity
of the city of Smolensk), the forensic investigative commission,
consisting
of: the superior forensic expert of the People's Commissariat for Health
Matters of the USSR, Director of the State Scientific Research Institute
for Forensic Medicine of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters of
the USSR, W.J. PROZOROWSKI; 

Professor for Forensic Medicine of the 2nd Moscow State Medical
Institute,
Dr. W.M. SMOLJANINOW; 

Professor of anatomical pathology, Dr. D.N. WYROPAIJEW; 

the eldest Scientific Official of the anatomical medical division of the
State Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the
People's
Commissariat for Health Matters of the USSR, Dr. P.S. SEMENOWSKI; 

the eldest Scientific Official of the anatomical medical division of the
State Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the
People's
Commissariat for Health Matters of the USSR, Professor Ph.D. SCWAIKOW; 

with the participation of: 

the head forensic medical expert of the West front, Major of the medical
services, NIKOLSKI; 

the forensic medical expert for Army N., Captain of the medical
services,
BUSSOEDOW: 

the chief of the anatomical pathology laboratory 92, Major of the
medical
services, SUBBOTIN; 

the Major of the medical services, OGLOBIN; 

Doctor of medicine and Lt. Col. of Medicine, SADYKOW; 

Lt. of Medicine PUSCHKARJOWA; 

The exhumation and forensic examination of the corpses of the Polish
prisoners
of war from the grounds of Kosji Gori in the Katyn forest, 15 kilometres
>from  the city of Smolensk, was carried out in the period from 16 to 23
January
1944. The bodies of the Polish prisoners of war were buried in a common
grave measuring 60 x 60 x 3 m, in addition to another grave measuring 7
x 6 x 3.5 m. From the graves, 925 bodies were exhumed and examined. The
exhumation and forensic examination of the bodies were carried out to
determine
the following: 

a) the identity of the dead 

b) the cause of death 

c) the length of time they had been in the ground. 

The circumstances of the matter (see document of the Special
Commission);


Objective data: (see the record of the forensic medical examination of
the
bodies). 

CONCLUSION 

The forensic medical expert commission, based on the findings of the
forensic
medical examination of the bodies, came to the following conclusion: 

Following the excavation of the graves and exposure of the corpses, it
was
established that: 

a) among the great number of bodies of the Polish prisoners of war were
corpses in civilian clothing, the number of which, compared to the total
number of the examined bodies (2:925 of the exhumed bodies) is slight;
the
bodies wore military footwear; 

b) the clothing of the dead prisoners of war testifies to their
belonging
to the officers and noncommissioned officers of the Polish army; 

c) incisions in the pockets, which were turned inside out, as well as in
the boots, were discovered during the examination, revealing, as a rule,
traces of previous examination of the articles of clothing (military
greatcoats,
trousers, etc.) on the bodies; 

d) in some cases, the pockets of the articles of clothing bore no
incisions.
In these cases, just in the pockets which had been cut or torn open,
inside
the jacket linings, trouserbands, foot rags and socks, newspaper
clippings,
brochures, prayer books, postage stamps, opened and unopened letters,
receipts,
medals, and other documents such as valuables (1 gold piece, golden
dollars,
tobacco pipes, pocket knives, cigarette paper, handkerchiefs and other
articles,
were discovered; 

e) some of the documents (which were not subjected to any particular
examination)
exhibited dates from the period between 12 November 1940 to 20.6.1941; 

f) the material of the clothing, especially the military greatcoats,
jackets,
trousers, and underwear, are well preserved and could only be torn by
hand
with difficulty; 

g) a small number of bodies (20:925 of the exhumed bodies) had their
hands
tied behind their backs with white braided cord; 

h) the condition of the clothing on the bodies, particularly the fact
that
the jackets, shirts,military belts, trousers, and underwear were
buttoned
up, boots or shoes tied, neckerchiefs and neckties bound around the
necks,
suspenders buttoned up and the shirts tucked into the trousers, shows
that
no exterior examination of the torso and limbs had been undertaken; 

The wellpreserved condition skin tissues of the head, and the
nonexistence
of any incisions therein or in the skin tissues of the chest or abdomen
(except for 3:925 cases), or other signs of expert activity, shows that
the bodies had not been subjected to forensic examination, a conclusion
confirmed by an examination of the bodies exhumed by the forensic expert
commission. 

The exterior and interior examination of the 925 bodies justifies the
statement
that the bodies exhibit gunshot wounds on the head and neck. In four
cases,
these are accompanied by damage to the skull caused by a hard, heavy
object.
In addition, some cases of injury to the abdomen, together with injuries
to the head, were established. As a rule, there was one entry hole, more
rarely two, in the back of the head near the nape of the neck, in the
cavity
in the nape of the neck, or the edge of the same cavity. In some cases,
the entry wounds are on the back of the neck, at the height of the 1st,
2nd, or 3rd cervical vertebra. Most frequently, the exit holes are in
the
forehead, but, more rarely, in the temple or crown of the head, or in
the
face or neck. In 27 cases, the bullets remained in the body (without
exit
holes). At the terminus of the entry wound channel, under the soft
tissues
of the skull or bones thereof, in the cerebral membranes, or in the
cerebral
matter, deformed, slightly deformed, or severely deformed jacketed
bullets
were discovered, such as are used as ammunition for submachine guns,
mostly
of 7.65 m, The number of entry holes in the bones of the neck justifies
the conclusion that, during the shooting, firearms of two different
calibres
were used, most frequently, of less than 8 mm, i.e, 7.65 mm or less; in
a few cases, calibres of more than 8 mm, i.e., 9 mm, were used. 

The state of the fractures of the bones of the skull, and, in many
cases,
residues of gunpowder discovered on the exit holes or immediately close
by, show that the shots were fired at point blank range, or very close
range.
The superimposition of the entry and exit holes shows that the holes
must
have been fired from behind when the head was bent down. The entry
channel
traversed vital parts of the brain, or immediately adjacent to these, so
that the destruction of the tissues of the brain must have caused death.


The injuries observed in the bones of the top of the skull, caused by a
blunt, hard, and heavy object inflicted simultaneously with the gunshot
wounds to the head, could not, by themselves, come into question as the
cause of death. The forensic examinations, carried out during the period
>from  16 to 23 January 1944, revealed that the 925 bodies were neither in
a state of decomposition nor putrefaction, i.e., they were in the
initial
stages of the loss of moisture (most frequently and particularly visible
in the chest or abdominal regions; fat and wax separation was most
particularly
visible in bodies which had lain in direct contact with the ground);
i.e,
the tissues of the bodies exhibited a loss of moisture and a separation
of fat and wax. Particularly worthy of note is the fact that the muscles
of the torso and limbs retained their macroscopic condition perfectly,
while
their former colour was almost perfectly retained; the interior organs
of
the chest and abdomen were also well preserved in relation to their
configuration;
the heart muscle, upon incision, clearly retained its usual structure
and
colour. The brain exhibited characteristic structural conditions, with a
clearly recognizable border between white and grey matter. 

In addition to their macroscopic investigation of the tissues and bodily
organs, the Forensic Expert Commission took material for the subsequent
microscopic and chemical laboratory examination. The condition of the
earth
at the burial site must have played a certain role in the preservation
of
the tissues and bodily organs. 

After the excavation of the graves and exposure of the corpses, the
condition
of the bodies, following exposure to the air for a period, began to
influenced
by the warmth and moisture of the spring and summer of 1943, a factor
which
could strongly encourage the process of decomposition. But the degree of
moisture loss, and the fat and wax separation in the bodies, the
especially
good preservation of the muscles and interior organs, as well as the
articles
of clothing, justify us in stating that the bodies had only been buried
a short time. If we compare the condition of the bodies in the graves at
Kosji Gory with the bodies found at other burial sites in the city of
Smolensk
and the near vicinity (GEDEONOWKA, MAGALENSCHTISCHINA, READOWKA, camp
126
at KRASNYI BOR, etc.) (see the Report of the Forensic Medical Expert
Commission
of 22 October 1943), we must conclude that the bodies of the Polish
prisoners
of war in the Kosji Gory region were interred about 2 years ago. This is
also confirmed by the findings of the documents in the articles of
clothing,
indicating that an earlier point in time for burial cannot be considered
(see point e, page 48, and documentary table of contents). 

Based on the findings of the examination, the Forensic Medical Expert
Commission
has established that: 

1) the killings of the officer and noncommissioned officer prisoners of
war took place by shooting; 

2) that the shootings took place during a period approximately 2 years
ago,
that is, in the months of SeptemberDecember 1941; 

3) that the valuables and documents dating from 1941 and discovered by
the
Forensic Expert Commission in the articles of clothing on the bodies,
are
proof that the German fascist authorities failed to carry out a thorough
examination of the bodies in the spring and summer of 1943; the
documents
discovered prove that the shootings took place after the month of June
1941;


4) that the Germans dissected only a very small number of the bodies of
Polish prisoners of war in 1943; 

5) that the manner and type of shooting of the Polish prisoners of war
is
identical with the shooting of peaceful Soviet citizens and Soviet
prisoners
of war. This type of shooting was practised by the German fascist
authorities
on a broad scale in the temporarily occupied regions of the USSR,
including
the cities of Smolensk, Orel, Kharkow, Krasnodar, and Woronesch. 

The Superior Forensic Official of the People's Commissariat for Health
Matters
of the USSR, Director of the State Scientific Research Institute for
Health
Medicine of the People's Commissariat for Health Matters of the USSR,
W.J.
PROZOROWSKI; 

Professor of forensic medicine at the 2nd Moscow State Medical
Institute,
Dr. W.M. SMOLJANINOW; 

Professor of anatomical pathology, Dr. D.N. WYROPAEW; 

The eldest scientific official of the Thanatological Division of the
State
Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the People's
Commissariat
for Health Matters of the USSR, Dr. P.S. SEMENOWSKI; 

The eldest scientific official of the forensic medical division of the
State
Scientific Research Institute for Forensic Medicine of the People's
Commissariat
for Health Matters of the USSR, Prof. M.D. SCHWAIKOWA. 

Smolensk, 24 January 1944. 

Documents found on the corpses 

In addition to the information proven in the documents of the forensic
medical
report, the time of the shootings of the Polish prisoners of war by the
Germans (autumn 1941, not the spring of 1940, as claimed by the
Germans),
was also established by documents discovered during the excavation of
the
graves, dating not only from the second half of 1940, but also from the
spring and summer (March -June) of 1941. 

Among the documents discovered by the forensic experts, the following
merit
particular attention: 

1) on body 92: 

A letter from Warsaw in the Russian language addressed to the Central
Office
for Prisoners of War, Moscow, Kuibuschewstreet no. 12. In the letter,
"Sophie"
asks "Sigon", to let her know the whereabouts of her husband,
Thomas Sigon. The letter is dated 12.9.1940. The envelope bears German
postage
cancellation "Warsaw IX40", and cancellation "Moscow Post
Office 9 Expedition 28/IX40", as well a notice written in red ink,
in the Russian language, reading "Find camp and deliver 15/XI40"
(signature illegible). 

2) on body 4: 

A registered postcard no. 0112 from Tarnopol with cancellation "Tarnopol
12/X40". The manuscript text and address are obliterated. 

3) on body 101: 

Receipt no. 10293 dated 19.XII.1939, issued in camp Koselsk, for pawn of
a gold watch accepted by LEWANDOWSKY EDUARD ADAMOWITSCH. The reverse of
this receipt bears a note dated 14 March 1941, stating that the watch
had
been sold to "Juwelirtorg". 

4) on body 46: 

A receipt issued in Starobelskyi camp on 16.XII.1939 for the pawn of a
gold
watch accepted by ARASCHKEWITSCH WLADIMIR RUDOLPHOWITSCH. The reverse of
the receipt bears a note dated 25 March 1941, stating that the watch had
been sold to "Juwelirtorg". 

5) on body 71: 

A devotional image of paper with a picture of Jesus, discovered between
pages 144 and 145 of a Catholic prayer book. The reverse of the
devotional
image bears a legible note with signature "Jadvinja" and date
"4 April 1941". 

6) on body 46: 

A receipt issued in camp no. 1ON on 5 May 1941 for the deposit of a sum
of money in the amount of 225 rubles accepted by ARASCHKEWITSCH. 

7) on the same body (46): 

A receipt issued in camp no. 1ON on 6 April 1941 for the deposit of a
sum
of money in the amount of 102 rubles accepted by ARASCHKEWITSCH. 

8) on body 101: 

A receipt issued in camp no. 1ON on 18 May 1941 for the deposit of a sum
of money in the amount of 175 rubles accepted by LEWANDOWSKY. 

9) on body 53: 

An unforwarded postcard in the Polish language with the address: 

Warsaw, Bagatelja 15, house 47, 

Irene Kutschinskaja, date: 20 June 1941. 

Sender: Stanislav Kutschinskij. 

Conclusions 

>From  the totality of material available to the Special Commission,
particularly
>from  the testimonies of the 100 witnesses interrogated by the
Commission,
the facts of the case as examined by the forensic experts, and the
documents
and valuables taken from the graves in the Katyn forest, the following
conclusions
may be drawn with irrefutable clarity: 

1. The Polish prisoners of war in the three camps west of Smolensk were
housed there until the beginning of the war, were engaged in road
construction
work, and remained there even after the invasion of Smolensk by the
German
conqueror, until September 1943. 

2. In the autumn of 1941, mass shootings of Polish prisoners of war
taken
>from  the above mentioned camps were carried out by the German occupying
power in the Katyn forest. 

3. The mass shootings of the Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest
was carried out by the German armed forces under the cover name "Staff
537 of the Construction Battalion", led by Lt. Col. Arnes and his
associates
Lt. Reckst and Lt. Hott. 

4. As a result of the deterioration of the general military situation
for
Germany in early 1943, the German occupier took measures, provocative in
nature and intended to attribute their own crime to the Soviets, with a
view to causing hostility between the Russians and the Poles; 

5. To this purpose, 

a) the German fascist invaders attempted, through the use of persuasion,
threats, and barbaric tortures, to find "witnesses" among the
Soviet citizens from whom perjured statements were extorted to the
effect
that the Polish prisoners of war had been shot by the Soviets in the
spring
of 1940; 

b) the German occupation authorities, in the spring of 1943, transported
the corpses of Polish prisoners of war from other locations and shot by
them at other sites, and laid them in the excavated graves of the Katyn
forest in an attempt to wipe away the traces of their own bestiality and
to increase the number of the "victims of Bolshevism" in the Katyn
forest; 

c) while the German occupation authorities spread their provocation,
they
used approximately 500 Russian prisoners of war for the job of
excavating
the graves at Katyn in order to remove all documents and exhibits which
might prove German authorship of the crime. The Russian prisoners of war
were shot immediately after termination of this work. 

6. The findings of the Forensic Expert Commission have established
beyond
doubt: 

a) the time of the shootings: the autumn of 1941; 

b) the German executioners, in shooting the Polish prisoners of war,
used
the same methods (pistol shots in the back of the neck), as in the mass
shootings of Soviet citizens in other cities, particularly, Orel,
Woronesch,Krasnodar,
and Smolensk. 

7. The conclusions drawn from the statements of eyewitnesses and the
forensic
report on the shootings of the Polish prisoners of war by the Germans in
the autumn of 1941 are fully confirmed by the exhibits and documents
discovered
in the graves at Katyn. 

8. In shooting the Polish prisoners of war in the Katyn forest, the
German
fascist invaders were pursuing a consistent policy of the physical
extermination
of the Slavic peoples. 

President of the Special Commission, Member of the Special State
Commission,
Academician BURDENKO; 

Member of the Special State Commission, Academician ALEKSEJ TOLSTOI; 

Member of the Special State Commission, Mythropolitos NIKOLAI; 

President of the AllSlavic Committee, Lieutenant General GUNDOROW A.S.;


President of the Executive Committee of the Association of the Red Cross
and Red Half Moon, S.A. POLESNIKOW; 

People's Commissar for Education of the RSFSR, Academician W.P.
POTEMKIN;


Chief of the Forensic Head Office of the Red Army, CoronelGeneral E.J.
SMIRNOW;


President of the Executive Committee for the Region of Smolensk, R.E.
MEINIKOW.


Smolensk, 24 January 1944 

 
Check out Brad's site at  http://www.psnw.com/~brsmith/

CODOH can be reached at: 
Post Office Box 3267 
Visalia CA 93278 



Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Sun Jul 14 07:45:40 PDT 1996
Article: 50152 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.internetmci.com!newsfeed.internetmci.com!in2.uu.net!tank.news.pipex.net!pipex!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: TEST 3
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Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Sat Jul 20 18:48:53 PDT 1996
Article: 51715 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!op.net!netaxs.com!hunter.premier.net!netnews.worldnet.att.net!arclight.uoregon.edu!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: Re: Holocaust Rock Opera
Date: Sat, 20 Jul 1996 22:38:30 +0100
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In article <31D06017.532A@pacbell.net>, OWEN KING 
writes

>The Following is taken from a rock opera I have been working on for 
>almost a decade. This is the scene where Hitler introduces himself. If 
>anyone is interested in further postings or info please email me.
>
>HITLER:
>(to himself)
>
>       Government Is The Decadent Realization Of Man's Pain
>       Those Who Control The Masses
>       Continue To Breed Their Rotting Strain
>       This Forces The Self, To Strike Out
>       In Anger, Yet To Even Realize This, Is To Place
>       Yourself In Danger.
>
> etc

You're too late chief, it's been done.



And now it's Holocaust the musical....


Rock against the Nazis

Kaddish, a multimedia spectacular about the Holocaust, is on its way to
this country.

David Sinclair caught the show in Vienna:

>From  a shadowy stage in a  grand, decaying theatre in the heart of
Vienna come fragile snatches of ambient and neo-classical music. The
faces of two Hungarian vocalists are caught in pencil-thin shafts of
light: the folk singer Marta Sebestyen who sings an air as pure and
delicate as birdsong, and the poet Endre Szkartisi, vho declaims lines
such as "The wind blows through me" in dark world-weary tones.
Suddenly, the ,tranquil mood is shattered by a titanic , piston-like
guitar moif overlaid with sinister washes of synthesized industrial
noise. Meanwhile, on three vast screens hung at either side of the Stage
and behind the small knot of musicians responsible for making this
alternatively aching and brutish noise, images of a burning bush and a
burning Star of David are intercutt with archive footage of Nazi youth
rallies, marching troops and Aryan athletes leaping and twisting. 
As the aggressive, stabbing bursts of music build up to an apocalyptic
climax, the screens show a dark field full of people carrying flaming
torches, gradually forming themselves into a huge, human swastika.
The show. called Kaddish after the jewish prayer for the dead, is the
creation of the English music and film group Towering Inferno. A
dramatic and at times provocative peice of work, it is an
impressionistic essay about the social cultural history of the jews in
Europe which inevitably turns on the horrific legacy of the Holocaust.
The show is not short of impact under any conditions, but in Austria,
where it is still illegal to display or represent the shape of a
swastika for anything other than educational purpose, Kaddish has caused
quite a stir.

If we weren't Jewish and English we'd be arrested for doing this here,"
says Andy Saunders, who co-wrote the work with Richard Wolfson. In fact,
the Austrian police did look in before the start of the event — which
was staged  last Sunday and Monday, as part of of Judische Kultur in
Wien, a month-long festival of Jewish culture in the arts— but only to
make a routine security check of the hall.

[etc etc]

The work will be performed  by Towering Inferno at Shepherds Bush Empire
on December 3.


>from  the "Times" November 17th 1995.

Looks like you missed it.




Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Sun Jul 21 18:35:56 PDT 1996
Article: 51914 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!vertex.tor.hookup.net!hookup!usenet.eel.ufl.edu!news-res.gsl.net!news.gsl.net!nntp.coast.net!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: KREMA II [3/5]
Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 23:18:52 +0100
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From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 02:16:18 PDT 1996
Article: 52043 of alt.revisionism
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From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: TOO SHOCKING FOR PUBLIC DISCLOSURE
Date: Mon, 22 Jul 1996 00:14:30 +0100
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         AMERICANS TORTURE GERMANS TO EXTORT "CONFESSIONS".

By Fred Redman

TODAY I am able to tell you the full story, revealed in Washington, of
the 
American war trials scandal. It is an ugly story of barbarous tortures 
inflicted in the name of Allied justice. 
It is time the British people knew all the facts. Little has appeared in
our 
press until today.
The charge is that American soldiers, building evidence against Germans 
accused of war crimes, have behaved with the same sadistic cruelty as
the 
beasts who terrorised Europe when it was under Nazi domination.

The truth has come out through the persistence of an American lawyer and
the 
frank horror of an American Judge who refuses to be muzzled.
Judge Edward Van Roden member of a US Army Commission of Inquiry tells
how 
burning matches were forced under the fingernails of a prisoner by
American 
investigators to extort a confession. For months, he says, men were kept
in 
solitary confinement on near-starvation rations. 
And they were beaten up and savagely kicked until strong men were
redeuced 
to broken wrecks ready to mumble any admission demanded by their 
prosecutors. 

The war department have shown the Judges personal report only to General 
Lucius Clay, their military commander in Germany. Washington suspects
the 
reason was that it was too shocking for public disclosure. 

....Commission sent to Germany to investigate was was even more candid.
"All but two of the Germans in the 139 cases we investigated, had been 
kicked in the testicles beyond repair." he charged.
"this was standard operating procedure with our American investigators.
"They would put a black hood over the accused's head and then punch him
in 
the face with brass knuckles."
US Army prosecution teams had he said had posed as priests to hear 
confessions and give absolution.

At mock trials men who refused to confess were confronted by a crucifix
and burning candles. Those sham courts, attended by men in US Army
uniform, 
passed sham death sentences. Then the accused were told: "Sign this 
confession and we get you acquitted." 

[The Sunday Pictorial Jan 23rd 1949 ]


"All but two of the Germans in the 139 cases we investigated, had been 
kicked in the testicles beyond repair."

"The change [of public opinion] followed the notorious case of the
American 
Dachau Tribunal. This tribunal which was abolished in December 1947,  
had tried 1,500 Germans and condemned 420 of them to death. In autumn of 
                                      ***
that year Dachau justice became the subject of a commission of
investigation 
under Judge Gordon Simpson of the Texas Supreme Court. The commission 
recommended that 29 men who were still under sentence ot death should be 
reprieved, and it declared that statements had be obtained both from 
defendents and witnesses by highly questionable means."

[The final solution [1968] by G. Reitlinger. page 548

Reitlinger, a jew, is a Holocaust hate propagandist.]


Question: 

"Americans" tortured defendents. Shouldn't it call into question the 
validity of confessions given in previous trials?

Question:

If the 'Americans' tortured defendents on such a scale, what did the
Government of the UK, and the Communists, who murdered 12,000 Polish
officers by shooting do?


Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 02:16:19 PDT 1996
Article: 52044 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!op.net!netaxs.com!hunter.premier.net!news1.erols.com!imci5!pull-feed.internetmci.com!news.internetMCI.com!newsfeed.internetmci.com!news.inc.net!arclight.uoregon.edu!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: NO VENTS [SEPT 13 1944]
Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 22:58:49 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
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"The ground over the gassing cellar was converted into well-kept lawn,
on which stood at regular intervals mushroom-like concrete objects. 114
These, though they might not intigue newcomers very much, were the
shafts down which after methodically unscrewing the lids, the sanitary
orderly was to scatter the amethyst-blue crystals when Sergeant-major
Moll gave the order 'Na, gib ihmen schon zu fressen' (now, let them eat
it). 115

[The Final Solution by G.Reitlinger (1968)]


The picture in the previous thread, shows bombs falling from a plane
over Crematorium no II at Birkenau, the plane has also taken this photo.
The bombs are aimed at the Monowitz rubber plant, nearby. 

[Birkenau, was Auschwitz II, Monowitz was Auschwitz III, and the
Stammlager/ maincamp was Auschwitz I]

Notice there are NO "mushroom-like concrete objects" on the morgue next
to the Crematorium.

The photo is quite clear, there were NO "concrete mushroom-like objects"
on the top of the morgue. 

So lets amend the paragraph by the holocaust hate propagandist
Reitlinger.




"The ground over the DELOUSING cellar was converted into well-kept lawn.

 
[The Final Solution by G.Reitlinger (1968)][REVISED 1996 BY JR]




Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 02:16:19 PDT 1996
Article: 52045 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!op.net!netaxs.com!hunter.premier.net!newsfeed.internetmci.com!howland.reston.ans.net!EU.net!usenet2.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!usenet1.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: 2) THEY WERE SHOWN TO BE LYING
Date: Mon, 22 Jul 1996 00:05:12 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
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9. On 15th July 1947 I recieved a general charge sheet and was
transferred 
with my co-accused to the Bunker I, camp Dachau.
It was impossible for me to procure any exonerating material there. One
was 
cut off from the outside world. 
Letters to relatives or acquaintances in which something was said about 
witnesses or the approaching trial were so cut up that the receiver
received 
only scraps from which he could glean nothing. For that reason it was
made 
impossible for me to procure any defense material. Requests for special 
letters to witnesses or prior reports to the defense lawyer were
fruitless.
Already in little things they were making the procuring of exonerating 
material impossible. Also the time before the beginning of the trial was
far 
too short to obtain any material.

10. On 6 August 1947 the trial began, and lasted until 21 August.

11. The prosecution witnesses had every support of the prosecuting 
authorities. When they were shown to be lying, up jumped the prosecutor,
Mr. 
Lindberg, and accused the defense lawyer of intimidating the witnesses
and 
trying to make out that they were liars.
 
12. In reality, the opposite was the truth. Defense witnesses were 
intimidated by the braying of the prosecutor or were branded as false.
It 
 happened that defense witnesses were threatened and beaten by foreign 
former prisoners so that the former had no more interest in appearing
for 
the defense. They were afraid that they too would be accused of
something, 
which the foreign prisoners were quite capable of, as they hated
everything 
German and were out for revenge.
 

Perats statement is cited on Pages 258 to 263 in Innocent at Dachau by 
Joseph Halow.]

INNOCENT AT DACHAU is available from:-
 
The Institute of Historical Review PO Box 2739, Newport Beach, CA 92659
USA.
  
PS more to follow.


Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 09:00:29 PDT 1996
Article: 52082 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!news1.io.org!winternet.com!nntp.primenet.com!tank.news.pipex.net!pipex!usenet2.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!usenet1.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: ENTLAUSUNGSKAMMER FUN EIN KREMATORIUM
Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 23:54:59 +0100
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Important Documents Found in Moscow Archives

Searching in Russian archives through tens of thousands of long-
suppressed documents, two
revisionist historians have dug up revealing German documents
confiscated by the Soviets and kept secret for decades. Swiss educator
Jurgen Graf and Italian author Carlo Mattogno together made two lengthy
research visits in Russia in 1995, the second lasting four weeks. Each
is the author of several revisionist works dealing with the Holocaust
issue, and both spoke at the 12th (1994) IHR Conference.
In the Archives of the Russian Federation, Graf and Mattogno found
voluminous records about Auschwitz and other German concentration camps
liberated 50 years ago by Soviet forces. These include Russian-language
eyewitness reports and investigative documents, and reports by Soviet
investigative commiSSiOnS, as well as some German documents confiscated
>from  various camps (but not Auschwitz). Graf and Mattogno photocopied
about 1,000 pages of documents from these Moscow archives, which are now
being evaluated and trans-lated.

70,000 Pages Screened

The team carried out much more extensive research at the Central State
Special Archives on Viborg street, located in an outer area of the
Russian capital. Among the voluminous original German records stored
there are tens of thousands of pages from Auschwitz  camp alone. Here
Graf and Mattogno spent nearly every day of their visit screening an
estimated 70,000 pages of Auschwitz records.
Less than five percent of these documents are of relevant interest, Graf
estimates. They spent little time, for example, going through the 100-
page file of construction records of horse stables at Auschwitz, or the
300 pages concerning the payroll of camp gardeners.
At a cost of one dollar per page, Graf and Mattogno photocopied more
than 3,000 pages of Auschwitz documents from these Archives. Their
investigations are far more extensive than the modest researches there
by Prof. Gerald Fleming and Jean-Claude Pressac, two major anti-
revisionist Holocaust researehers. As their signatures on the control
sheets show, they saw perhaps 60 of the 650 dossiers there. (It was in
this same Viborg street archives where British historian David Irving
located the handwritten diaries of Minister Joseph Goebbels for his new
biography of the wartime propaganda minister. See "Revelations from
Goebbels' Diary," in the Jan.-Feb. 1995 Journal.)

 A Preliminary Evaluation

>From  the outset Graf and Mattogno assumed that they would probably not
find anything of really sensational importance.
My documents confirming gas chamber killings or an extermination program
certainly would have long ago been triumphantly heralded. Similarly any
documents showing clearly that no prisoners were killed in gas chambers,
or which disprove the existence of a wartime German extermination pro-
gram, would probably have been removed or destroyed.
All the same, they did find documents that conflict with the orthodox
extermination story. One refers specifically to a "delousing chamber for
crematory II" ("Entlausungskammer fur ein Krematorium") in Birkenau.
This document apparently clarifies the real meaning of one or more of
Pressac's so-called "criminal traces," as well as of the widely-cited
letter of Jan. 29, 1943 that refers to a "gassing cellar"
("Vergasungskeller") in Birkenau crematory II. It is  often claimed that
this must be a reference to a homicidal gas chamber. (See A. Butz' "Some
Thoughts on Pressac's opus " in the May-June 1993 Journal, pp. 27-31,
35[n.23].)  This long-suppressed German document, which was overlooked
by Fleming and Pressac, suggests instead that this "gassing cellar" was
installed to save life, by killing typhus-bearing lice.
Also found were documents showing the roster of sick and chronically
sick people at Birkenau over extended periods. According to the
extermination story, of course, all such persons were immediately put to
death as unfit for work. Other documents confirm the strict rules that
prohibited SS camp personnel from mistreating Auschwitz prisoners.
Additional documents unearthed by Graf and Mattogno establish that
remarkably large numbers of prisoners were released from Auschwitz.
(This is in addition to prisoners who were transferred to other camps.)
During just a few days in June and July 1944 alone, 186 short-term
prisoners were set free. (Over the entire period of the camp's
existence, there must have been thousands.) Most of these were Poles who
had been sentenced to "re-education by labor" at Birkenau for terms of
four to ten weeks for breaking employment contracts. After serving their
sentences, says Graf, these prisoners returned to their factories.
Nothing has so far been published anywhere about these large-scale
prisoner releases. As Graf notes, if many tens of thousands of Hungarian
Jews were actually killed in Auschwitz in May-June 1944, as alleged, the
released prisoners could have easily told the world about it.
Numerous valuable documents relating to the Auschwitz crematories were
also found, says Mattogno, who is sorting out and evaluating them.
Incidentally, an enormous quantity of confiscated German documents
dealing with other areas are also held in the Central State Special
Archives. These include, for example, about 9,000 pages of records of
the wartime Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories. Such
documents may shed new light on key aspects of Second World War history.
Unfortunately, the future of these archival treasures is uncertain.

Not Found

Graf and Mattogno searched in vain for Soviet wartime aerial
reconnaissance photographs of the Auschwitz area, including research at
the former Soviet military archives in Podolsk, east of Moscow. They
similarly failed to turn up records detailing deliveries of coke to the
Auschwitz crematories in 1944—documents that would finally nail down the
maximum number of corpses that could have been cremated in the
facilities there. Perhaps these records are located in one of the ten or
twelve other archives in Europe where scattered Auschwitz documents are
stored.
As a result of these two 1995 research visits (which were financed by
sympathetic friends), says Graf, 'we now know not only what documents
are in these two archives, but also what documents are not there. That's
also important." Carlo Mattogno is working on a detailed study of the
German camp crematories, to be published in 1996 in Italy, as well as on
a specialized treatment of the "gas chambers," which he hopes to publish
in 1997.











Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 09:00:29 PDT 1996
Article: 52083 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!news1.io.org!winternet.com!mr.net!sgigate.sgi.com!news.msfc.nasa.gov!newsfeed.internetmci.com!howland.reston.ans.net!EU.net!usenet2.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!usenet1.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: KREMA II [5/5]
Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 23:18:54 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
Lines: 369
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M`0]<@`C4W8_DA6"(WT<@``9@@1>T0:V9@;O(P1AT@3UY@1F("AN&$(?(,70(0)E,`(A
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Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: auschwitz:myths and facts
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Auschwitz: Myths and Facts
by Mark Weber

Nearly everyone has heard of Auschwitz, the German wartime concentration
camp where many prisoners -- most of them Jewish -- were reportedly
exterminated, especially in gas chambers. Auschwitz is widely regarded
as the most terrible Nazi extermination center. The camp's horrific
reputation cannot, however, be reconciled with the facts.

Scholars challenge Holocaust story
Astonishing as it may seem, more and more historians and engineers have
been challenging the widely accepted Auschwitz story. These
"revisionist" scholars do not dispute the fact that large numbers of
Jews were deported to the camp, or that many died there, particularly of
typhus and other diseases. But the compelling evidence they present
shows that Auschwitz was not an extermination center and that the story
of mass killings in "gas chambers" is a myth.

The Auschwitz camps
The Auschwitz camp complex was set up in 1940 in what is now south-
central Poland. Large numbers of Jews were deported there between 1942
and mid-1944.
The main camp was known as Auschwitz I. Birkenau, or Auschwitz II, was
supposedly the main extermination center, and Monowitz, or Auschwitz
III, was a large industrial center where gasoline was produced from
coal. In addition there were dozens of smaller satellite camps devoted
to the war economy.

Four million victims?
At the postwar Nuremberg Tribunal, the Allies charged that the Germans
exterminated four million people at Auschwitz. This figure, which was
invented by the Soviets, was uncritically accepted for many years. It
often appeared in major American newspapers and magazines, for example.
(note 1)
Today no reputable historian, not even those who generally accept the
extermination story, believes this figure. Israeli Holocaust historian
Yehuda Bauer said in 1989 that it is time to finally acknowledge the
familiar four million figure is a deliberate myth. In July 1990 the
Auschwitz State Museum in Poland, along with Israel's Yad Vashem
Holocaust Center, suddenly announced that altogether perhaps one million
people (both Jews and non-Jews) died there. Neither institution would
say how many of these people were killed, nor were any estimates given
of the numbers of those supposedly gassed. (note 2) One prominent
Holocaust historian, Gerald Reitlinger, has estimated that perhaps
700,000 or so Jews perished at Auschwitz. More recently, Holocaust
historian Jean-Claude Pressac has estimated that about 800,000 persons -
- of whom 630,000 were Jewish -- perished at Auschwitz. While even such
lower figures are incorrect, they show how the Auschwitz story has
changed drastically over the years. (note 3)
Bizarre tales
At one time it was seriously claimed that Jews were systematically
electrocuted at Auschwitz. American newspapers, citing a Soviet
eyewitness report from liberated Auschwitz, told readers in February
1945 that the methodical Germans had killed Jews there using an
"electric conveyor belt on which hundreds of persons could be
electrocuted simultaneously [and] then moved on into furnaces. They were
burned almost instantly, producing fertilizer for nearby cabbage
fields." (note 4)
And at the Nuremberg Tribunal, chief U.S. prosecutor Robert Jackson
charged that the Germans used a "newly invented" device to
instantaneously "vaporize" 20,000 Jews near Auschwitz "in such a way
that there was no trace left of them." (note 5) No reputable historian
now accepts either of these fanciful tales.

The Hoss 'confession'
A key Holocaust document is the "confession" of former Auschwitz
commandant Rudolf Hoss of April 5, 1946, which was submitted by the U.S.
prosecution at the main Nuremberg trial. (note 6)
Although it is still widely cited as solid proof for the Auschwitz
extermination story, it is actually a false statement that was obtained
by torture.
Many years after the war, British military intelligence sergeant Bernard
Clarke described how he and five other British soldiers tortured the
former commandant to obtain his "confession." Hoss himself privately
explained his ordeal in these words: "Certainly, I signed a statement
that I killed two and half million Jews. I could just as well have said
that it was five million Jews. There are certain methods by which any
confession can be obtained, whether it is true or not." (note 7)
Even historians who generally accept the Holocaust extermination story
now acknowledge that many of the specific statements made in the Hoss
"affidavit" are simply not true. For one thing, no serious scholar now
claims that anything like two and a half or three million people
perished in Auschwitz.
The Hoss "affidavit" further alleges that Jews were already being
exterminated by gas in the summer of 1941 at three other camps: Belzec,
Treblinka and Wolzek. The "Wolzek" camp mentioned by Hoss is a total
invention. No such camp existed, and the name is no longer mentioned in
Holocaust literature. Moreover, the story these days by those who
believe in the Holocaust legend is that gassings of Jews did not begin
at Auschwitz, Treblinka, or Belzec until sometime in 1942.

No documentary evidence
Many thousands of secret German documents dealing with Auschwitz were
confiscated after the war by the Allies. Not a single one refers to a
policy or program of extermination. In fact, the extermination story
cannot be reconciled with the documentary evidence.

Many Jewish inmates unable to work
For example, it is often claimed that all Jews at Auschwitz who were
unable to work were immediately killed. Jews who were too old, young,
sick, or weak were supposedly gassed on arrival, and only those who
could be worked to death were temporarily kept alive.
But the evidence shows that, in fact, a very high percentage of the
Jewish inmates were not able to work, and were nevertheless not killed.
For example, an internal German telex message dated Sept. 4, 1943, from
the chief of the Labor Allocation department of the SS Economic and
Administrative Main Office (WVHA), reported that of 25,000 Jewish
inmates in Auschwitz, only 3,581 were able to work, and that all of the
remaining Jewish inmates -- some 21,500, or about 86 percent -- were
unable to work. (note 8)
This is also confirmed in a secret report dated April 5, 1944, on
"security measures in Auschwitz" by Oswald Pohl, head of the SS
concentration camp system, to SS chief Heinrich Himmler. Pohl reported
that there was a total of 67,000 inmates in the entire Auschwitz camp
complex, of whom 18,000 were hospitalized or disabled. In the Auschwitz
II camp (Birkenau), supposedly the main extermination center, there were
36,000 inmates, mostly female, of whom "approximately 15,000 are unable
to work." (note 9)
These two documents simply cannot be reconciled with the Auschwitz
extermination story.
The evidence shows that Auschwitz-Birkenau was established primarily as
a camp for Jews who were not able to work, including the sick and
elderly, as well as for those who were temporarily awaiting assignment
to other camps. That's the considered view of Dr. Arthur Butz of
Northwestern University, who also says that this was the reason for the
unusually high death rate there. (note 10)
Princeton University history professor Arno Mayer, who is Jewish,
acknowledges in a recent book about the "final solution" that more Jews
perished at Auschwitz as a result of typhus and other "natural" causes
than were executed. (note 11)

Anne Frank
Perhaps the best known Auschwitz inmate was Anne Frank, who is known
around the world for her famous diary. But few people know that
thousands of Jews, including Anne and her father, Otto Frank, "survived"
Auschwitz.
The 15-year-old girl and her father were deported from the Netherlands
to Auschwitz in September 1944. Several weeks later, in the face of the
advancing Soviet army, Anne was evacuated along with many other Jews to
the Bergen-Belsen camp, where she died of typhus in March 1945.
Her father came down with typhus in Auschwitz and was sent to the camp
hospital to recover. He was one of thousands of sick and feeble Jews who
were left behind when the Germans abandoned the camp in January 1945,
shortly before it was overrun by the Soviets. He died in Switzerland in
1980.
If the German policy had been to kill Anne Frank and her father, they
would not have survived Auschwitz. Their fate, tragic though it was,
cannot be reconciled with the extermination story.

Allied propaganda
The Auschwitz gassing story is based in large part on the hearsay
statements of former Jewish inmates who did not personally see any
evidence of extermination. Their beliefs are understandable, because
rumors about gassings at Auschwitz were widespread.
Allied planes dropped large numbers of leaflets, written in Polish and
German, on Auschwitz and the surrounding areas which claimed that people
were being gassed in the camp. The Auschwitz gassing story, which was an
important part of the Allied wartime propaganda effort, was also
broadcast to Europe by Allied radio stations. (note 12)

Survivor testimony
Former inmates have confirmed that they saw no evidence of extermination
at Auschwitz.
An Austrian woman, Maria Vanherwaarden, testified about her camp
experiences in a Toronto District Court in March 1988. She was interned
in Auschwitz-Birkenau in 1942 for having sexual relations with a Polish
forced laborer. On the train trip to the camp, a Gypsy woman told her
and the others that they would all be gassed at Auschwitz.
Upon arrival, Maria and the other women were ordered to undress and go
into a large concrete room without windows to take a shower. The
terrified women were sure that they were about to die. But then, instead
of gas, water came out of the shower heads.
Auschwitz was no vacation center, Maria confirmed. She witnessed the
death of many fellow inmates by disease, particularly typhus, and quite
a few committed suicide. But she saw no evidence at all of mass
killings, gassings, or of any extermination program. (note 13)
A Jewish woman named Marika Frank arrived at Auschwitz-Birkenau from
Hungary in July 1944, when 25,000 Jews were supposedly gassed and
cremated daily. She likewise testified after the war that she heard and
saw nothing of "gas chambers" during the time she was interned there.
She heard the gassing stories 
only later. (note 14)

Inmates released
Auschwitz internees who had served their sentences were released and
returned to their home countries. If Auschwitz had actually been a top
secret extermination center, the Germans would certainly not have
released inmates who "knew" what was happening in the camp. (note 15)
Himmler orders death rate reduced
In response to the deaths of many inmates due to disease, especially
typhus, the German authorities responsible for the camps ordered firm
counter-measures.
The head of the SS camp administration office sent a directive dated
Dec. 28, 1942, to Auschwitz and the other concentration camps. It
sharply criticized the high death rate of inmates due to disease, and
ordered that "camp physicians must use all means at their disposal to
significantly reduce the death rate in the various camps." Furthermore,
it ordered:
The camp doctors must supervise more often than in the past the
nutrition of the prisoners and, in cooperation with the administration,
submit improvement recommendations to the camp commandants . . . The
camp doctors are to see to it that the working conditions at the various
labor places are improved as much as possible.
Finally, the directive stressed that "the ReichsfŸhrer SS [Heinrich
Himmler] has ordered that the death rate absolutely must be reduced."
(note 16)
German camp regulations
Official German camp regulations make clear that Auschwitz was not an
extermination center. They ordered: (note 17)
New arrivals in the camp are to be given a thorough medical examination,
and if there is any doubt [about their health], they must be sent to
quarantine for observation.
Prisoners who report sick must be examined that same day by the camp
physician. If necessary, the physician must transfer the prisoners to a
hospital for professional treatment.
The camp physician must regularly inspect the kitchen regarding the
preparation of the food and the quality of the food supply. Any
deficiencies that may arise must be reported to the camp commandant.
Special care should be given in the treatment of accidents, in order not
to impair the full productivity of the prisoners.
Prisoners who are to be released or transfered must first be brought
before the camp physician for medical examination.

Telltale aerial photos
Detailed aerial reconnaissance photographs taken of Auschwitz-Birkenau
on several random days in 1944 (during the height of the alleged
extermination period there) were made public by the CIA in 1979. These
photos show no trace of piles of corpses, smoking crematory chimneys or
masses of Jews awaiting death, things that have been repeatedly alleged,
and all of which would have been clearly visible if Auschwitz had been
the extermination center it is said to have been. (note 18)

Absurd cremation claims
Cremation specialists have confirmed that thousands of corpses could not
possibly have been cremated every day throughout the spring and summer
of 1944 at Auschwitz, as commonly alleged.
For example, Mr. Ivan Lagace, manager of a large crematory in Calgary,
Canada, testified in court in April 1988 that the Auschwitz cremation
story is technically impossible. The allegation that 10,000 or even
20,000 corpses were burned every day at Auschwitz in the summer of 1944
in crematories and open pits is simply "preposterous" and "beyond the
realm of reality," he declared under oath. (note 19)
Gassing expert refutes extermination story
America's leading gas chamber expert, Boston engineer Fred A. Leuchter,
carefully examined the supposed "gas chambers" in Poland and concluded
that the Auschwitz gassing story is absurd and technically impossible.
Leuchter is the foremost specialist on the design and installation of
gas chambers used in the United States to execute convicted criminals.
For example, he designed a gas chamber facility for the Missouri state
penitentiary.
In February 1988 he carried out a detailed onsite examination of the
"gas chambers" at Auschwitz, Birkenau and Majdanek in Poland, which are
either still standing or only partially in ruins. In sworn testimony to
a Toronto court and in a technical report, Leuchter described every
aspect of his investigation.
He concluded by emphatically declaring that the alleged gassing
facilities could not possibly have been used to kill people. Among other
things, he pointed out that the so-called "gas chambers" were not
properly sealed or vented to kill human beings without also killing
German camp personnel. (note 20)
Dr. William B. Lindsey, a research chemist employed for 33 years by the
Dupont Corporation, likewise testified in a 1985 court case that the
Auschwitz gassing story is technically impossible. Based on a careful
on-site examination of the "gas chambers" at Auschwitz, Birkenau and
Majdanek, and on his years of experience, he declared: "I have come to
the conclusion that no one was willfully or purposefully killed with
Zyklon B [hydrocyanic acid gas] in this manner. I consider it absolutely
impossible." (note 21)

Notes
1 Nuremberg document 008-USSR. IMT blue series, Vol. 39, pp. 241, 261.;
NC&A red series, vol. 1, p. 35.; 2 C.L. Sulzberger, "Oswiecim Killings
Placed at 4,000,000," New York Times, May 8, 1945, and, New York Times,
Jan. 31, 1986, p. A4.
3 Y. Bauer, "Fighting the Distortions," Jerusalem Post (Israel), Sept.
22, 1989; "Auschwitz Deaths Reduced to a Million," Daily Telegraph
(London), July 17, 1990; "Poland Reduces Auschwitz Death Toll Estimate
to 1 Million," The Washington Times, July 17, 1990.
4 G. Reitlinger, The Final Solution (1971); J.-C. Pressac, Le
CrŽmatoires d'Auschwitz: La Machinerie du meurtre de mass (Paris: CNRS,
1993). On Pressac's estimates, see: L'Express (France), Sept. 30, 1993,
p. 33.
Washington (DC) Daily News, Feb. 2, 1945, pp. 2, 35. (United Press
dispatch from Moscow).
5 IMT blue series, Vol. 16, p. 529-530. (June 21, 1946).
6 Nuremberg document 3868-PS (USA-819). IMT blue series, Vol. 33, pp.
275-279.
7 Rupert Butler, Legions of Death (England: 1983), pp. 235; R.
Faurisson, The Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1986-87, pp. 389-
403. 
8 Archives of the Jewish Historical Institute of Warsaw, German document
No. 128, in: H. Eschwege, ed., Kennzeichen J (East Berlin: 1966), p.
264.
9 Nuremberg document NO-021. NMT green series, Vol. 5. pp. 384-385.
10 Arthur Butz, The Hoax of the Twentieth Century (Costa Mesa, Calif.),
p. 124.
11 Arno Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?: The 'Final Solution' in
History (Pantheon, 1989), p. 365.
12 Nuremberg document NI-11696. NMT green series, Vol. 8, p. 606.
13 Testimony in Toronto District Court, March 28, 1988. Toronto Star,
March 29, 1988, p. A2.
14 Sylvia Rothchild, ed., Voices from the Holocaust (New York: 1981),
pp. 188-191.
15 Walter Laqueur, The Terrible Secret (Boston: 1981), p. 169.
16 Nuremberg document PS-2171, Annex 2. NC&A red series, Vol. 4, pp.
833-834.
17 "Rules and Regulations for the Concentration Camps." Anthology,
Inhuman Medicine, Vol. 1, Part 1 (Warsaw: International Auschwitz
Committee, 1970), pp. 149-151.; S. Paskuly, ed., Death Dealer: the
Memoirs of the SS Kommandant at Auschwitz (Buffalo: 1992), pp. 216-217.
18 Dino A. Brugioni and Robert C. Poirier, The Holocaust Revisited
(Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency, 1979).
19 Canadian Jewish News (Toronto), April 14, 1988, p. 6.
20 The Leuchter Report: An Engineering Report on the Alleged Execution
Gas Chambers at Auschwitz, Birkenau and Majdanek (Toronto: 1988).
Available for $17.00, postpaid, from the IHR.
21 The Globe and Mail (Toronto), Feb. 12, 1985, p. M3

The Auschwitz extermination story originated as wartime propaganda. Now,
more than 40 years after the end of the Second World War, it is time to
take another, more objective look at this highly polemicized chapter of
history. The Auschwitz legend is the core of the Holocaust story. If
hundreds of thousands of Jews were not systematically killed there, as
alleged, one of the great myths of our time collapses.
Artificially maintaining the hatreds and passions of the past prevents
genuine reconciliation and lasting peace. Revisionism promotes
historical awareness and international understanding. That is why the
work of the Institute for Historical Review is so important and deserves
your support. 


Mark Weber is editor of The Journal of Historical Review, published six
times yearly by the Institute for Historical Review. He studied history
at the University of Illinois (Chicago), the University of Munich,
Portland State University, and Indiana University (M.A., 1977). For five
days in March 1988, he testified as a recognized expert witness on the
"final solution" and the Holocaust issue in a Toronto District Court
case. He is the author of many published articles, reviews and essays on
various aspects of modern European history. Weber has appeared as a
guest on numerous radio talk shows, and on the nationally-syndicated
"Montel Williams" television show.
Last modified: 10/93 


For a current catalog, with a complete listing of books and audio and
video tapes, send one dollar to:

IHR
Post Office Box 2739 
Newport Beach, California 92659 


 

 

Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 09:00:31 PDT 1996
Article: 52085 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!news1.io.org!winternet.com!mr.net!sgigate.sgi.com!news.msfc.nasa.gov!newsfeed.internetmci.com!howland.reston.ans.net!EU.net!usenet2.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!usenet1.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: 1) WE RECIEVED NOTHING TO EAT
Date: Mon, 22 Jul 1996 00:03:51 +0100
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Petrat's post-conviction plea was in the case file, a forlorn voice from
the grave which I read with pangs of sorrow. His statement had been
prepared in German had been submitted to the Military Governor of the US
Zone of Occupation in English translation. Since no more than a handful
of Americans have seen this or any other  German "war criminal's" side
of the story, I reproduce it in its entirety, as follows:

I, Gustav PETRAT, born 12 November 1924 in Wirballen/Litauen
[Lithuania], presently in Landsberg/Lech, make the following sworn
statement after I have been informed that this statement is to be
submitted to the Military Governor of the US Zone and that an false
statement may be severely punished.

l. In May 1944, on account of my wound, I was transferred to the guard
personnel of the Mauthausen concentration camp and served there as dog
leader with the 16th Guard Company. My rank was Corporal (Rottenfuehrer)
in the Armed (Waffen) SS.

2. On 10 May 1945, I was taken prisoner by American  soldiers in Reid
near Mauthausen and taken to the Tittling camp. When I got there I was
mistreated with whips, fists and feet, as was the general custom at that
time for newly arrived prisoners.

3. Like many others I was quartered in a potato patch in the open air,
so that we all were exposed to the weather.
The first three days we received nothing to eat, and from the fourth day
on they gave us one loaf of bread for every 20 prisoners and 1 litre of
soup for every two men. Under these conditions I lived for some weeks
until I was totally undernourished, so that it was hardly possible for
me to move from the spot.

4. On 26 May 1945 I had my first interrogation there, which was one of
the most memorable of my entire captivity. Even before they asked me the
first Question, they struck me so that I collapsed. After I had managed
to stagger upright again in spite of my weak condition and aided by the
necessary kicks from the interrogator, the real interrogation began.
They asked me questions that I could not have answered if I had the best
will in the world to do so. I was to state where the leader of the
Mauthausen Concentration Camp was. It was impossible for me to give the
information, since I really didn't know, and, as a little corporal I
couldn't know. My reply loosed a hail of blows. 
The second question concerned myself. They asked me how many prisoners I
had shot and beaten, to which I replied truthfully and with a clean
conscience, "Not one."
Then the interrogator drew a pistol and threatened to kill me if I did
not tell the truth, immediately. He meant, however, that I should be
hanged. I told him again that I only spoke the truth and he could kill
me if he wanted to, that at least I would be freed from the whole mess.
Then more blows, and with a push in the small of the back I fled [sic].

5. On 9 May 1945 I was taken to the Moosburg internment camp with about
80 other prisoners. On 7 September 1945 I had my second interrogation,
in Moosburg, at which they asked me the same questions they asked in the
Tittling camp. There too, I received blows from a whip. This consisted
of a wooden handle about 30 cm  long to which leather straps had been
fastened. Since I had to answer the questions in the negative, they told
me that there were other ways and means to force me to tell the truth.
Then the interrogator left the room for a few minutes, and returned with
a second interrogator. Since I had to reply to this man's questions in
the negative also, because I did not know of any killing, he struck me
with his fists and threatened to "hang" and "shoot" me. After I stuck to
my guns, I was taken back to my quarters.
On 10 February 1946 I was transferred to the Dachau internment camp.

6. There I was interrogated two times At the interrogation on 21 June
1946 they read statements to me that said that I had shot eight
prisoners in the Mauthausen concentration camp. I was to sign this, but
I vigorously refused because I never shot a prisoner After repeated
requests to sign, I was struck with fists and kicked with feet. They put
a paper in front of me to sign in which it said that l had never been
beaten by American interrogators and soldiers. I refused, and only after
repeated blows, with the threat that I would never leave the room alive
until I had signed, and that they would know how to break me down my
obstinacy, did I put my name to it. I had never had anything to do with
the court in my life and I was afraid that they would make my life even
more difficult.

7. In  January 1947 the so-called "line-ups" commenced  in Dachau
Special Camp. I was confronted with prisoners three  times, yet not one
accused me of the least thing. The man in charge of the line-up, Mr.
ENTRESS, told the prisoners that I was said to have shot many and beaten
them to death, where at only a burst of laugher arose. At that time I
was 22 years old. When I was 19.5  I came to Mauthausen as 
dog-leader. A former prominent prisoner, Dr. SANNER, asserted he did not
know me, but if a dog-leader had beaten prisoners to death or shot them
that would certainly have become known in the camp. Many other former
long-term prisoners  joined in this exonerating testimony

8. At mid-July 1947 I and my seven co-accused were presented for the
first time to our official defence lawyer, Major William A.OATES. To his
question whether I knew what I was accused of, and by whom, I could only
reply that I was not conscious of any guilt and also had never counted
on being brought  to trial, since I had never mistreated or killed
anyone.
Major OATES  told me that he too, knew nothing, that he could not get a
glimpse of the incriminating papers of the prosecution, and therefore he
would have to go by my statements, the general charge sheet, and the
testimony of the prosecution witnesses at the trial.
Since only the prosecution had access to the records, my lawyer did not
see them, and so naturally it was very difficult for him to prepare a
defence. Major OATES promised to do everything he could. Also I gave him
the names of the witnesses who were important for me, and who themselves
were interned in Dachau.


Perat's statement is cited on Pages 258 to 263 in Innocent at Dachau by
Joseph Halow.]

'INNOCENT AT DACHAU' is available from:-

The Institute of Historical Review PO Box 2739, Newport Beach, CA 92659
USA.




Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 09:00:32 PDT 1996
Article: 52086 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!news1.io.org!winternet.com!nntp.primenet.com!news.cais.net!world1.bawave.com!newsfeed.internetmci.com!in2.uu.net!newsflash.concordia.ca!newsfeed.pitt.edu!scramble.lm.com!news.math.psu.edu!news.cse.psu.edu!uwm.edu!lll-winken.llnl.gov!nntp.coast.net!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: PREPARED ON THE SAME TYPEWRITER
Date: Mon, 22 Jul 1996 00:02:28 +0100
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DOCUMENTS

by C W Porter

The standard version of events is that the Allies examined 100,000
documents
and chose 1,000 which were introduced into evidence, and that the
original
documents were then deposited in the Peace Palace at The Hague. This is
rather inexact.

The documents used in evidence at Nuremberg consisted largely of
"photocopies"
of "copies". Many of these original documents were written entirely
on plain paper without handwritten markings of any kind, by unknown
persons.
Occasionally, there is an illegible initial or signature of a more or
less
unknown person certifying the document as a 'true copy'. Sometimes there
are German stamps, sometimes not. Many have been 'found' by the
Russians,
or 'certified authentic' by Soviet War Crimes Commissions.

Volume XXXIII, a document volume taken at random, contains 20
interrogations
or affidavits, 12 photocopies, 5 unsigned copies, 5 original documents
with
signatures, 4 copies of printed material, 3 mimeographed copies, 3
teletypes,
1 microfilm copy, 1 copy signed by somebody else and 1 unspecified.

The Hague has few, if any, original documents. The Hauge has many
original
postwar 'affidavits', or sworn statements, the Tribunal Commission
transcripts,
and much valuable defense material. They have the 'human soap', which
has
never been tested, and the 'original human soap recipe' (Document USSR-
196),
which is a forgery; but apparently no original wartime German documents.
The Hague has negative photostats of these documents, on extremely
brittle
paper which has been stapled. To photocopy the photostats, the staples
are
removed. When they are re-stapled more holes are made. Most of these
documents
have not been photocopied very often, and officials at The Hague say it
is very unusual for anyone to ask to see them.

The National Archives in Washington (see Telford Taylor's Use of
Captured
German and Related Documents, A National Archive Conference) claim
that the original documents are in The Hague. The Hague claims the
original
documents are in the National Archives.

The Stadtsarchiv Nurnberg and the Bundesarchiv Koblenz also have no
original
documents, and both say the original documents are in Washington. Since
the originals are, in most cases, 'copies', there is often no proof that
the documents in question ever existed.

Robert Jackson got the trial off to a start by quoting the following
forged
or otherwise worthless documents (II 120-142): 1947-PS; 1721-PS; 1014-
PS;
81-PS; 212-PS; and many others.

1947-PS is a 'copy' of a 'translation' of a letter from General Fritsch
to the Baroness von Schutzbar-Milchling. The Baroness later signed an
affidavit
stating that she never received the letter in question (XXI-381).

The falsified 'letter' from General Fritsch to the Baroness von
Schutzbar-Milchling
was recognized as such during the trial and is not included in the
document
volumes, where it should appear at XXVIII 44. Jackson was not, however,
admonished by the Tribunal. (XXI 380)

The enthusiastic Americans apparently forged 15 of these 'translations',
after which the original documents all disappeared (See Taylor, Captured
Documents).

1721-PS is a forgery in which an SA man writes a report to himself about
how he is carrying out an order which is quoted verbatim in the report.
Handwritten markings on page 1 (XXI-137-141; 195-198; 425; XXII 148-150.
See also Testimony Before the Commission, Fuss, 25 April, and
Lucke, 7 May 1946). The National Archives have a positive photostat of
1721-PS,
and The Hague has a negative photostat. The 'original' is a photocopy
(XXVII
485).

1014-PS is a falsified 'Hitler Speech' written on plain paper by an
unknown
person. The document bears the heading 'Second Speech' although it is
known
that Hitler gave only one speech on that date. There are four versions
of
this speech, 3 of them forgeries: 1014-PS, 798-PS, L-3, and an authentic
version, Ra-27 (XVII-406-408; XVIII 390-402; XXII 65).

The third forgery, Document L-3, bears an FBI laboratory stamp and was
never
even accepted into evidence (II 286), but 250 copies of it were given to
the press as authentic (II 286).



This document is quoted by A.J.P. Taylor on page 254 of The Origins
of the Second World War (Fawcett Paperbacks, 2nd Edition, with Answer
to his Critics) giving his source as German Foreign Policy, Series D
vii,
No 192 and 193.

L-3 is the source of many statements attributed to Hitler, particularly
"who today remembers the fate of the Armenians?" and "our
enemies are little worms, I saw them at Munich". 'Hitler' also compares
himself to Genghis Khan and says he will exterminate the Poles, and kick
Chamberlain in the groin in front of the photographers. The document
appears
to have been prepared on the same typewriter as many other Nuremberg
documents,
including the two other versions of the same speech. This typewriter was
probably a Martin from the Triumph-Adler-Werke, Nuremberg.

81-PS is a 'certified true copy' of an unsigned letter on plain paper
prepared
by an unknown person. If authentic, it is the first draft of a letter
never
sent. This is invariably spoken of as a letter written by Rosenberg,
which
Rosenberg denied (XI 510-511). The document lacks signature, initial,
blank
journal number (a bureaucratic marking) and was not found among the
papers
of the person to whom it was addressed. (XVII 612). 81-PS is a
'photocopy'
with a Soviet exhibit number (USSR-353, XXV 156-161).

212-PS was also prepared by an unknown person, entirely on plain paper,
without any handwritten markings, date, address, or stamp (III 540, XXV
302-306; see also photocopies of negative photostats from The Hague).

This is, unfortunately, only typical. Document 386-PS, the 'Hossbach
Protokoll',
Hitler's supposed speech of 5 November 1938, is a certified photocopy of
a microfilm copy of a re-typed 'certified true copy' prepared by an
American,
of a re-typed 'certified true copy' prepared by a German, of
unauthenticated
handwritten notes by Hossbach, of a speech by Hitler, written from
memory
5 days later. This is not the worst document, but one of the best,
because
we know who made one of the copies. The text of 386-PS has been 'edited'
(XLII 228-230).

Thus 'trial by document' works as follows: A, an unknown person, listens
to alleged 'oral statements' made by B, and takes notes or prepares a
document
on the basis of those alleged oral statements. The document is then
introduced
into evidence, not against A, who made the copy, but against B, C, D, E
and a host of other people, although there is nothing to connect them
with
the document or the alleged statements. It is casually stated as fact
that
'B said', or that 'C did', or that 'D and E knew'. This is contrary to
the
rules of evidence of all civilised countries. Nor are the documents
identified
by witnesses.

The forgery of original documents was rarely resorted to at Nuremberg,
because
the documents were not brought to court. The "original document"
- that is, the original unsigned "copy" - was kept in a safe in
the Document Centre (II 195, 256-258).

Then, 2 "photocopies" of the "copy" (V 21) or 6 photocopies
(II 251-253) were prepared and brought to court. All other copies were
re-typed
on a mimeograph using a stencil (IX 504).

In the transcript, the word "original" is used to mean "photocopy"
(II 249-250, XIII 200, 508, 519; XV 43, 169, 171, 327) to distinguish
the
photocopies from the mimeograph copies (IV 245-246).

"Translations" of all documents were available from the beginning
of the trial (II 158-161, 191, 195, 215, 249-250, 277, 415, 437) but the
"original" German texts were not available until at least two
months later. This applies not just to the trial briefs and indictment,
etc. but to ALL DOCUMENTS. The defense received no documents in German
until
after January 9, 1946 (V 22-26).

Documents which appear to have been prepared on the same typewriter
include
Document 3803-PS, a letter from Kaltenbrunner to the Mayor of Vienna,
and
the cover letter from this same Mayor sending Kaltenbrunner's letter to
the Tribunal (XI 345-348). This letter from Kaltenbrunner contains a
false
geographical term (XIV 416).

CODOH HTTP://WWW.CODOH.COM
Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 09:00:33 PDT 1996
Article: 52087 of alt.revisionism
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From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: for the last 4 days, there has been no delivery of food
Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 23:58:47 +0100
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Bergen-Belsen Camp: The suppressed story
by Mark Weber 

Fifty years ago, on April 15, 1945, British troops liberated the Bergen-
Belsen concentration camp. The anniversary was widely remembered in
official ceremonies and in newspaper articles that, as the following
essay shows, distort the camp's true history. 

Largely because of the circumstances of its liberation, the relatively
unimportant German concentration camp of Bergen-Belsen has become --
along with Dachau and Buchenwald -- an international symbol of German
barbarism. 

The British troops who liberated the Belsen camp three weeks before the
end of the war were shocked and disgusted by the many unburied corpses
and dying inmates they found there. Horrific photos and films of the
camp's emaciated corpses and mortally sick inmates were quickly
circulated around the globe. Within weeks the British military
occupation newspaper proclaimed: "The story of that greatest of all
exhibitions of 'man's inhumanity to man' which was Belsen Concentration
Camp is known throughout the world." (note 1) 

Ghastly images recorded by Allied photographers at Belsen in mid-April
1945 and widely reproduced ever since have greatly contributed to the
camp's reputation as a notorious extermination center. In fact, the dead
of Bergen-Belsen were, above all, unfortunate victims of war and its
turmoil, not deliberate policy. It can even be argued that they were as
much victims of Allied as of German measures. 

The Bergen-Belsen camp was located near Hannover in northwestern Germany
on the site of a former army camp for wounded prisoners of war. In 1943
it was established as an internment camp (Aufenthaltslager) for European
Jews who were to be exchanged for German citizens held by the Allies. 

More than 9,000 Jews with citizenship papers or passports from Latin
American countries, entry visas for Palestine, or other documents making
them eligible for emigration, arrived in late 1943 and 1944 from Poland,
France, Holland and other parts of Europe. During the final months of
the war, several groups of these "exchange Jews" were transported from
Axis-occupied Europe. German authorities transferred several hundred to
neutral Switzerland, and at least one group of 222 Jewish detainees was
transferred from Belsen (by way of neutral Turkey) to British-controlled
Palestine. (note 2) 

Until late 1944 conditions were generally better than in other
concentration camps. Marika Frank Abrams, a Jewish woman from Hungary,
was transferred from Auschwitz in 1944. Years later she recalled her
arrival at Belsen: "... We were each given two blankets and a dish.
There was running water and latrines. We were given food that was edible
and didn't have to stand for hours to be counted. The conditions were so
superior to Auschwitz we felt we were practically in a sanitarium."
(note 3) 

Inmates normally received three meals a day. Coffee and bread were
served in the morning and evening, with cheese and sausage as available.
The main mid-day meal consisted of one liter of vegetable stew. Families
lived together. Otherwise, men and women were housed in separate
barracks. (note 4) 

Children were also held there. There were some 500 Jewish children in
Belsen's "No. 1 Women's Camp" section when British forces arrived. (note
5) 

During the final months of the war, tens of thousands of Jews were
evacuated to Belsen from Auschwitz and other eastern camps threatened by
the advancing Soviets. Belsen became severely overcrowded as the number
of inmates increased from 15,000 in December 1944 to 42,000 at the
beginning of March 1945, and more than 50,000 a month later. (note 6) 

Many of these Jewish prisoners had chosen to be evacuated westwards with
their German captors rather than remain in eastern camps to await
liberation by Soviet forces. (note 7) 

So catastrophic had conditions become during the final months of the war
that about a third of the prisoners evacuated to Belsen in February and
March 1945 perished during the journey and were dead on arrival. (note
8) 

As order broke down across Europe during those chaotic final months,
regular deliveries of food and medicine to the camp stopped. Foraging
trucks were sent to scrounge up whatever supplies of bread, potatoes and
turnips were available in nearby towns. (note 9)

Epidemic
Disease was kept under control by routinely disinfecting all new
arrivals. But in early February 1945 a large transport of Hungarian Jews
was admitted while the disinfection facility was out of order. As a
result, typhus broke out and quickly spread beyond control. (note 10) 

Commandant Josef Kramer quarantined the camp in an effort to save lives,
but SS camp administration headquarters in Berlin insisted that Belsen
be kept open to receive still more Jewish evacuees arriving from the
East. The death rate soon rose to 400 a day. (note 11) 

The worst killer was typhus, but typhoid fever and dysentery also
claimed many lives. Aggravating the situation was a policy during the
final months of transferring already sick inmates from other camps to
Belsen, which was then officially designated a sick or convalescence
camp (Krankenlager). The sick women of Auschwitz, for example, were
transferred to Belsen in three groups in November-December 1944. (note
12) 

When SS chief Heinrich Himmler learned of the typhus outbreak at Bergen-
Belsen, he immediately issued an order to all appropriate officials
requiring that "all medical means necessary to combat the epidemic
should be employed ... There can be no question of skimping either with
doctors or medical supplies." However, the general breakdown of order
that prevailed on Germany by this time made it impossible to implement
the command. (note 13)

'Belsen Worst'
Violette Fintz, a Jewish woman who had been deported from the island of
Rhodes to Auschwitz in mid-1944, and then to Dachau and, finally, in
early 1945, to Belsen, later compared conditions in the different camps:
(note 14)
Belsen was in the beginning bearable and we had bunks to sleep on, and a
small ration of soup and bread. But as the camp got fuller, our group
and many others were given a barracks to hold about seven hundred lying
on the floor without blankets and without food or anything. It was a
pitiful scene as the camp was attacked by lice and most of the people
had typhus and cholera ... Many people talk about Auschwitz -- it was a
horrible camp. But Belsen, no words can describe it ... From my
experience and suffering, Belsen was the worst. 
Belsen's most famous inmate was doubtless Anne Frank, who had been
evacuated from Auschwitz in late October 1994. She succumbed to typhus
in March 1945, three or four weeks before liberation.

Kramer Reports a 'Catastrophe'
In a March 1, 1945, letter to Gruppenführer (General) Richard Glücks,
head of the SS camp administration agency, Commandant Kramer reported in
detail on the catastrophic situation in the Bergen-Belsen, and pleaded
for help: (note 15)
If I had sufficient sleeping accommodation at my disposal, then the
accommodation of the detainees who have already arrived and of those
still to come would appear more possible. In addition to this question a
spotted fever and typhus epidemic has now begun, which increases in
extent every day. The daily mortality rate, which was still in the
region of 60-70 at the beginning of February, has in the meantime
attained a daily average of 250-300 and will increase still further in
view of the conditions which at present prevail. 

Supply. When I took over the camp, winter supplies for 1500 internees
had been indented for; some had been received, but the greater part had
not been delivered. This failure was due not only to difficulties of
transport, but also to the fact that practically nothing is available in
this area and all must be brought from outside the area ... 

For the last four days there has been no delivery [of food] from
Hannover owing to interrupted communications, and I shall be compelled,
if this state of affairs prevails till the end of the week, to fetch
bread also by means of truck from Hannover. The trucks allotted to the
local unit are in no way adequate for this work, and I am compelled to
ask for at least three to four trucks and five to six trailers. When I
once have here a means of towing then I can send out the trailers into
the surrounding area ... The supply question must, without fail, be
cleared up in the next few days. I ask you, Gruppenführer, for an
allocation of transport ... 

State of Health. The incidence of disease is very high here in
proportion to the number of detainees. When you interviewed me on Dec.
1, 1944, at Oranienburg, you told me that Bergen-Belsen was to serve as
a sick camp for all concentration camps in north Germany. The number of
sick has greatly increased, particularly on account of the transports of
detainees that have arrived from the East in recent times -- these
transports have sometimes spent eight or fourteen days in open trucks
... 

The fight against spotted fever is made extremely difficult by the lack
of means of disinfection. Due to constant use, the hot-air delousing
machine is now in bad working order and sometimes fails for several days
... 

A catastrophe is taking place for which no one wishes to assume
responsibility ... Gruppenführer, I can assure you that from this end
everything will be done to overcome the present crisis ... 

I am now asking you for your assistance as it lies in your power. In
addition to the above-mentioned points I need here, before everything,
accommodation facilities, beds, blankets, eating utensils -- all for
about 20,000 internees ... I implore your help in overcoming this
situation. 
Under such terrible conditions, Kramer did everything in his power to
reduce suffering and prevent death among the inmates, even appealing to
the hard-pressed German army. "I don't know what else to do," he told
high-ranking army officers. "I have reached the limit. Masses of people
are dying. The drinking water supply has broken down. A trainload of
food was destroyed by low-flying [Allied] war planes. Something must be
done immediately." (note 16) 

Working together with both Commandant Kramer and chief inmate
representative Kuestermeier, Colonel Hanns Schmidt responded by
arranging for the local volunteer fire department to provide water. He
also saw to it that food supplies were brought to the camp from
abandoned rail cars. Schmidt later recalled that Kramer "did not at all
impress one as a criminal type. He acted like an upright and rather
honorable man. Neither did he strike me as someone with a guilty
conscience. He worked with great dedication to improve conditions in the
camp. For example, he rounded up horse drawn vehicles to bring food to
the camp from rail cars that had been shot up." (note 17) 

"I was swamped," Kramer later explained to incredulous British military
interrogators: (note 18)
The camp was not really inefficient before you [British and American
forces] crossed the Rhine. There was running water, regular meals of a
kind -- I had to accept what food I was given for the camp and
distribute it the best way I could. But then they suddenly began to send
me trainloads of new prisoners from all over Germany. It was impossible
to cope with them. I appealed for more staff, more food. I was told that
this was impossible. I had to carry on with what I had. 

Then as a last straw the Allies bombed the electric plant that pumped
our water. Loads of food were unable to reach the camp because of the
Allied fighters. Then things really got out of hand. During the last six
weeks I have been helpless. I did not even have sufficient staff to bury
the dead, let alone segregate the sick ... I tried to get medicines and
food for the prisoners and I failed. I was swamped. I may have been
hated, but I was doing my duty. 
Kramer's clear conscience is also suggested by the fact that he made no
effort to save his life by fleeing, but instead calmly awaited the
approaching British forces, naively confident of decent treatment. "When
Belsen Camp was eventually taken over by the Allies," he later stated,
"I was quite satisfied that I had done all I possibly could under the
circumstances to remedy the conditions in the camp." (note 19)

Negotiated Transfer
As British forces approached Bergen-Belsen, German authorities sought to
turn over the camp to the British so that it would not become a combat
zone. After some negotiation, it was peacefully transferred, with an
agreement that "both British and German troops will make every effort to
avoid battle in the area." (note 20) 

A revealing account of the circumstances under which the British took
control appeared in a 1945 issue of The Journal of the American Medical
Association: (note 21)
By negotiations between British and German officers, British troops took
over from the SS and the Wehrmacht the task of guarding the vast
concentration camp at Belsen, a few miles northwest of Celle, which
contains 60,000 prisoners, many of them political. This has been done
because typhus is rampant in the camp and it is vital that no prisoners
be released until the infection is checked. The advancing British agreed
to refrain from bombing or shelling the area of the camp, and the
Germans agreed to leave behind an armed guard which would be allowed to
return to their own lines a week after the British arrival. 

The story of the negotiations is curious. Two German officers presented
themselves before the British outposts and explained that there were
9,000 sick in the camp and that all sanitation had failed. They proposed
that the British should occupy the camp at once, as the responsibility
was international in the interests of health. In return for the delay
caused by the truce the Germans offered to surrender intact the bridges
over the river Aller. After brief consideration the British senior
officer rejected the German proposals, saying it was necessary that the
British should occupy an area of ten kilometers round the camp in order
to be sure of keeping their troops and lines of communication away from
the disease. The British eventually took over the camp.

Brutal Mistreatment
On April 15, 1945, Belsen's commanders turned over the camp to British
troops, who lost no time mistreating the SS camp personnel. The Germans
were beaten with rifle butts, kicked, and stabbed with bayonets. Most
were shot or worked to death. (note 22) 

British journalist Alan Moorehead described the treatment of some of the
camp personnel shortly after the takeover: (note 23)
As we approached the cells of the SS guards, the [British] sergeant's
language become ferocious. "We had had an interrogation this morning,"
the captain said. 'I'm afraid they are not a pretty sight.' ... The
sergeant unbolted the first door and ... strode into the cell, jabbing a
metal spike in front of him. "Get up," he shouted. "Get up. Get up, you
dirty bastards." There were half a dozen men lying or half lying on the
floor. One or two were able to pull themselves erect at once. The man
nearest me, his shirt and face spattered with blood, made two attempts
before he got on to his knees and then gradually on to his feet. He
stood with his arms stretched out in front of him, trembling violently. 

"Come on. Get up," the sergeant shouted [in the next cell]. The man was
lying in his blood on the floor, a massive figure with a heavy head and
bedraggled beard ... "Why don't you kill me?" he whispered. "Why don't
you kill me? I can't stand it any more." The same phrases dribbled out
of his lips over and over again. "He's been saying that all morning, the
dirty bastard," the sergeant said. 
Commandant Kramer, who was vilified in the British and American press as
"The Beast of Belsen" and "The Monster of Belsen," was put on trial and
then executed, along with chief physician Dr. Fritz Klein and other camp
officials. At his trial, Kramer's defense attorney, Major T.C.M.
Winwood, predicted: "When the curtain finally rings down on this stage
Josef Kramer will, in my submission, stand forth not as 'The Beast of
Belsen' but as 'The Scapegoat of Belsen'." (note 24) 

In an "act of revenge," the British liberators expelled the residents of
the nearby town of Bergen, and then permitted camp inmates to loot the
houses and buildings. Much of the town was also set on fire. (note 25)
Postwar Deaths
There were some 55,000 to 60,000 prisoners in Bergen-Belsen when the
British took control of the camp. The new administrators proved no more
capable of mastering the chaos than the Germans had been, and some
14,000 Jewish inmates died at Belsen in the months following the British
takeover. (note 26) 

Although still occasionally referred to as an "extermination camp" or
"mass murder" center, the truth about Bergen-Belsen has been quietly
acknowledged by scholars. (note 27) In his 1978 survey of German
history, University of Erlangen professor Helmut Diwald wrote of (note
28)
... The notorious Bergen-Belsen concentration camp where 50,000 inmates
were supposedly murdered. Actually, about 7,000 inmates died during the
period when the camp existed, from 1943 to 1945. Most of them died in
the final months of the war as a result of disease and malnutrition --
consequences of the bombings that had completely disrupted normal
deliveries of medical supplies and food. The British commander who took
control of the camp after the capitulation testified that crimes on a
large scale had not taken place at Bergen-Belsen. 
Martin Broszat, Director of the Institute for Contemporary History in
Munich, wrote in 1976: (note 29)
... In Bergen-Belsen, for example, thousands of corpses of Jewish
prisoners were found by British soldiers on the day of liberation, which
gave the impression that this was one of the notorious extermination
camps. Actually, many Jews in Bergen-Belsen as well as in the satellite
camps of Dachau died in the last weeks before the end of the war as a
result of the quickly improvised retransfers and evacuations of Jewish
workers from the still existing ghettos, work camps and concentration
camps in the East (Auschwitz) ... 
Dr. Russell Barton, an English physician who spent a month in Bergen-
Belsen after the war with the British Army, has also explained the
reasons for the catastrophic conditions found there: (note 30)
Most people attributed the conditions of the inmates to deliberate
intention on the part of the Germans in general and the camp
administrators in particular. Inmates were eager to cite examples of
brutality and neglect, and visiting journalists from different countries
interpreted the situation according to the needs of propaganda at home. 

For example, one newspaper emphasized the wickedness of the "German
masters" by remarking that some of the 10,000 unburied dead were naked.
In fact, when the dead were taken from a hut and left in the open for
burial, other prisoners would take their clothing from them ... 

German medical officers told me that it had been increasingly difficult
to transport food to the camp for some months. Anything that moved on
the autobahns was likely to be bombed ... 

I was surprised to find records, going back for two or three years, of
large quantities of food cooked daily for distribution. I became
convinced, contrary to popular opinion, that there had never been a
policy of deliberate starvation. This was confirmed by the large numbers
of well-fed inmates. Why then were so many people suffering from
malnutrition?... The major reasons for the state of Belsen were disease,
gross overcrowding by central authority, lack of law and order within
the huts, and inadequate supplies of food, water and drugs. 

In trying to assess the causes of the conditions found in Belsen one
must be alerted to the tremendous visual display, ripe for purposes of
propaganda, that masses of starved corpses presented.

Gas Chamber Myths
Some former inmates and a few historians have claimed that Jews were put
to death in gas chambers at Bergen-Belsen. For example, an
"authoritative" work published shortly after the end of the war, A
History of World War II, informed readers: "In Belsen, [Commandant]
Kramer kept an orchestra to play him Viennese music while he watched
children torn from their mothers to be burned alive. Gas chambers
disposed of thousands of persons daily." (note 31) 

In Jews, God and History, Jewish historian Max Dimont wrote of gassings
at Bergen-Belsen. (note 32) A semi-official work published in Poland in
1981 claimed that women and babies were "put to death in gas chambers"
at Belsen. (note 33) 

In 1945 the Associated Press news agency reported: (note 34)
In Lueneburg, Germany, a Jewish physician, testifying at the trial of 45
men and women for war crimes at the Belsen and Oswiecim [Auschwitz]
concentration camps, said that 80,000 Jews, representing the entire
ghetto of Lodz, Poland, had been gassed or burned to death in one night
at the Belsen camp. 
Five decades after the camp's liberation, British army Captain Robert
Daniell recalled seeing "the gas chambers" there. (note 35) 

Years after the war, Robert Spitz, a Hungarian Jew, remembered taking a
shower at Belsen in February 1945: "... It was delightful. What I didn't
know then was that there were other showers in the same building where
gas came out instead of water." (note 36) 

Another former inmate, Moshe Peer, recalled a miraculous escape from
death as an eleven-year-old in the camp. In a 1993 interview with a
Canadian newspaper, the French-born Peer claimed that he "was sent to
the [Belsen] camp gas chamber at least six times." The newspaper account
went on to relate: "Each time he survived, watching with horror as many
of the women and children gassed with him collapsed and died. To this
day, Peer doesn't know how he was able to survive." In an effort to
explain the miracle, Peer mused: "Maybe children resist better, I don't
know." (Although Peer claimed that "Bergen-Belsen was worse than
Auschwitz," he acknowledged that he and his younger brother and sister,
who were deported to the camp in 1944, all somehow survived internment
there.) (note 37) 

Such gas chamber tales are entirely fanciful. As early as 1960,
historian Martin Broszat had publicly repudiated the Belsen gassing
story. These days no reputable scholar supports it. (note 38)
Exaggerated Death Estimates
Estimates of the number of people who died in Bergen-Belsen have ranged
widely over the years. Many have been irresponsible exaggerations.
Typical is a 1985 York Daily News report, which told readers that
"probably 100,000 died at Bergen-Belsen." (note 39) An official German
government publication issued in 1990 declared that "more than 50,000
people had been murdered" in the Belsen camp under German control, and
"an additional 13,000 died in the first weeks after liberation." (note
40) 

Closer to the truth is the Encyclopaedia Judaica, which maintains that
37,000 perished in the camp before the British takeover, and another
14,000 afterwards. (note 41) 

Whatever the actual number of dead, Belsen's victims were not
"murdered," and the camp was not an "extermination" center.

Black Market Center
>From  1945 until 1950, when it was finally shut down, the British
maintained Belsen as a camp for displaced European Jews. During this
period it achieved new notoriety as a major European black market
center. The "uncrowned king" of Belsen's 10,000 Jews was Yossl (Josef)
Rosensaft, who amassed tremendous profits from the illegal trading.
Rosensaft had been interned in various camps, including Auschwitz,
before arriving in Belsen in early April 1945. (note 42) 

British Lieutenant General Sir Frederick Morgan, chief of "displaced
persons" operations in postwar Germany for the United Nations relief
organization UNRRA recalled in his memoir that (note 43)
under Zionist auspices there had been organized at Belsen a vast
illegitimate trading organization with worldwide ramifications and
dealing in a wide range of goods, principally precious metals and
stones. A money market dealt with a wide range of currencies. Goods were
being imported in cryptically marked containers consigned in UNRRA
shipments to Jewish voluntary agencies ...

Legacy 
A kind of memorial center now draws many tourists annually to the camp
site. Not surprisingly, Bergen's 13,000 residents are not very pleased
with their town's infamous reputation. Citizens report being called
"murderers" during visits to foreign countries. (note 44) 

In striking contrast to the widely-accepted image of Belsen, which is
essentially a product of hateful wartime propaganda, is the suppressed,
albeit grim, historical reality. In truth, the Bergen-Belsen story may
be regarded as the Holocaust story in miniature.

Notes 
Walter Laqueur, The Terrible Secret: Suppression of the Truth about
Hitler's 'Final Solution' (Boston: Little Brown, 1980), p. 1.
Testimony of Commandant Kramer in: Raymond Phillips, ed., Trial of Josef
Kramer and Forty-Four Others (The Belsen Trial) (London: William Hodge,
1949), p. 160; "Bergen-Belsen," Encyclopaedia Judaica (New York and
Jerusalem: Macmillan and Keter, 1971), Vol. 4, p. 610. According to this
source, one group of 136 of these "exchange Jews" was deported from
Belsen during the war to neutral Switzerland, and another group of 222
was transferred to Palestine.; According to an Israeli newspaper report,
a group of 222 "exchange" Jews reportedly left Bergen-Belsen on June 29,
1944, and, by way of Istanbul, arrived in Palestine on July 10. (Israel
Nachrichten, quoted in: D. National-Zeitung, Munich, Sept. 23, 1994, p.
5)
Sylvia Rothchild, ed., Voices from the Holocaust (New York: NAL, 1981),
p. 190.
Josef Kramer statement (1945) in: R. Phillips, Trial of Josef Kramer and
Forty-Four Others, pp. 731-737. This is also in: Arthur Butz, The Hoax
of the Twentieth Century (Newport Beach: Institute for Historical
Review, 1993), pp. 272-274.
R. Phillips, Trial of Josef Kramer and Forty-Four Others, pp. 19, 32,
33; Roman Hrabar, with Zofia Tokarz and J. E. Wilczur, The Fate of
Polish Children During the Last War (Warsaw: Interpress, 1981), p. 76.
Encyclopaedia Judaica, Vol. 4, p. 610; Gedenkbuch: Opfer der Verfolgung
der Juden unter der nationsozialistischen Gewaltherrschaft (Koblenz:
Bundesarchiv, 1986; 2 vols.), pp. 1761-1762.
Testimony of Dr. Russell Barton, Feb. 7, 1985, in the first "Holocaust"
trial of Ernst Zündel. Official trial transcript, pp. 2916-2917; See
also Barton's testimony during the second, 1988 Zündel trial in: Barbara
Kulaszka, ed., Did Six Million Really Die? (Toronto: Samisdat, 1992), p.
175, and, Robert Lenski, The Holocaust on Trial: The Case of Ernst
Zündel (Decatur, Ala.: Reporter Press, 1990), p. 159.
Testimony of Commandant Kramer in: R. Phillips, Trial of Josef Kramer
and Forty-Four Others, p. 162.
Josef Kramer statement (1945) in: R. Phillips, ed., Trial of Josef
Kramer and Forty-Four Others, pp. 731-737. Also in: A. Butz, The Hoax of
the Twentieth Century, p. 274.
Derrick Sington, Belsen Uncovered (London: 1946), pp. 117-118. Quoted
in: A. Butz, The Hoax of the Twentieth Century, pp. 34-35; Gerald
Reitlinger, The Final Solution (London: Sphere Books, pb., 1971), p. 504
(note).
R. Phillips, ed., Trial of Josef Kramer and Forty-Four Others, pp. 152-
153, 166-167, 734, 736; Tom Bower, Blind Eye to Murder (London: Granada,
1983), p. 224; Dr. Ernst von Briesen, "Was passierte in Bergen-Belsen
wirklich?," D. National-Zeitung (Munich), Jan. 13, 1984, pp. 4, 5, 8.
G.Reitlinger, The Final Solution, p. 497 (and 638, n. 23).
Andre Biss, A Million Jews to Save (New York: A.S. Barnes, 1975), pp.
242, 249-250; Felix Kersten, The Kersten Memoirs, 1940-1945 (New York:
Macmillan, 1957), p. 276.
Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1986), pp. 722, 785-786.
R. Phillips, ed., Trial of Josef Kramer and Forty-Four Others, pp. 163-
166.
Signed report by retired Colonel (Oberst a.D.) Hanns Schmidt to Kurt
Mehner and Lt. Colonel Bechtold, Braunschweig, March 3, 1981. Photocopy
in author's possession.
Signed report by Hanns Schmidt to Kurt Mehner and Lt. Colonel Bechtold,
March 3, 1981. Photocopy in author's possession.
Essay by Alan Moorehead, "Belsen," in: Cyril Connolly, ed., The Golden
Horizon (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1953), pp. 109-110.
Josef Kramer statement (1945) in: R. Phillips, ed., Trial of Josef
Kramer and Forty-Four Others, p. 737. Also quoted in: A. Butz, Hoax, p.
275; Essay by Alan Moorehead, "Belsen," in: Cyril Connolly, ed., The
Golden Horizon, pp. 109-110; Dr. Russell Barton, "Belsen," History of
the Second World War (Editor: Barrie Pitt, Copyright BPC publications,
1966), Part 109, 1975, p. 3025.
R. Phillips, ed., Trial of Josef Kramer and Forty-Four Others, pp. 396-
397.
"Typhus Causes a Truce," The Journal of the American Medical Association
(Chicago), May 19, 1945, p. 220.
Leonard O. Mosley, Report from Germany (1945). Quoted in: Montgomery
Belgion, Victor's Justice (Regnery, 1949), p. 80 (and p. 81); Time
magazine, April 29, 1985, p. 21; See also essay by A. Moorehead,
"Belsen," in: Cyril Connolly, ed., The Golden Horizon (London: 1953),
pp. 105-106.
Essay by A. Moorehead, "Belsen," in: Cyril Connolly, ed., The Golden
Horizon, pp. 105-106.
R. Phillips, ed., Trial of Josef Kramer and Forty-Four Others), p. 156.
"Bergen-Belsen," Der Spiegel (Hamburg), Nr. 30, 1985, pp. 71, 72.
"Holocaust," Encyclopaedia Judaica, Vol. 8, p. 859; M. Gilbert, The
Holocaust (1986), pp. 793-795; See also: R. Phillips, ed., Trial of
Josef Kramer and Forty-Four Others, pp. 20, 46-47; According to a 1992
Associated Press report, more than 60,000 prisoners were held in Belsen
camp when it was liberated. Then, "in the first five days of liberation,
14,000 prisoners died and another 14,000 perished in the following
weeks." Graham Heathcote, AP from Tostock, England, "2 hours changed me
for the rest of my life," Orlando Sentinel (Florida), Dec. 20, 1992, p.
A 29, and, "Journey into hell," The Spokesman-Review (Spokane,
Washington), Dec. 20, 1992.
Time magazine, April 29, 1985, p. 21, referred to Belsen as a camp
created for the "extermination" of "the Jewish people."
Helmut Diwald, Geschichte der Deutschen (Frankfurt: Propyläen, first
ed., 1978), pp. 164-165.
M. Broszat, "Zur Kritik der Publizistik des antisemitischen
Rechtsextremismus," Supplement B 19/76 of May 8, 1976, to the weekly
newspaper Das Parlament (Bonn), p. 6. Revised from issue No. 2, 1976, of
the Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte (Munich).
Dr. R. Barton, "Belsen," History of the Second World War, Part 109,
1975, pp. 3025-3029; Barton confirmed this evaluation in testimony given
in the 1985 and 1988 Toronto trials of German-Canadian publisher Ernst
Zündel. On Barton's testimony in the first, 1985 trial, see: "View of
Belsen was propaganda, trial told," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), Feb.
8, 1985, pp. M1, M5, and, "Disease killed Nazis' prisoners, MD says,"
Toronto Star, Feb. 8, 1985, p. A2; On Barton's testimony in the second,
1988 Zündel trial, see: Barbara Kulaszka, ed., Did Six Million Really
Die?, pp. 175-180, and, R. Lenski, The Holocaust on Trial (1990), pp.
157-160; Among his other positions after the war, Barton was
superintendent and consultant psychiatrist at Severalls Hospital (Essex,
England), and director of the Rochester Psychiatric Center (New York).
Francis Trevelyan Miller, Litt.D., LLD, A History of World War II
(Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co., 1945), p. 868.
M. Dimont, Jews, God and History (New York: Signet/NAL, pb., 1962?), p.
383.
R. Hrabar, et al, The Fate of Polish Children During the Last War
(Warsaw: 1981), p. 76.
The Associated Press News Annual: 1945, p. 404.
M. Holland, "The horrors of Belsen," Sunday Herald Sun (Melbourne,
Australia), Jan. 22, 1995, p. 93; M. Holland, "Man who uncovered the
horror of Belsen," Sunday Times (Perth, W. Australia), Feb. 5, 1995, p.
2.
S. Rothchild, ed., Voices From the Holocaust, p. 197.
K. Seidman, "Surviving the horror," The Gazette (Montreal, Canada),
August 5, 1993. Facsimile reprint in: The Journal of Historical Review,
Nov.-Dec. 1993, p. 24.
Die Zeit (Hamburg), August 19, 1960, p. 16. (U.S. edition: August 26,
1960.) Facsimile and translation in The Journal of Historical Review,
May-June 1993, p. 12.
"Bergen-Belsen," Daily News (New York), April 20, 1985, p. 3.
"Ceremony Recalls Victims of Bergen-Belsen," The Week in Germany (New
York: German Information Center), April 27, 1990, p. 6; A figure of
50,000 is also given in Time magazine, April 29, 1985, p. 21; According
to a stone memorial at the Belsen camp site, 30,000 Jews were
"exterminated" there; A semi-official Polish account published in 1980
reported 48,000 Belsen "victims." Czeslaw Pilichowski, No Time Limit for
These Crimes (Warsaw: Interpress, 1980), pp. 154-155.
"Bergen-Belsen," Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), vol. 4, pp. 610-612;
Colonel Schmidt, the German officer who worked to alleviate conditions
in Belsen during the final weeks and also arranged for the camp's
surrender to the British, estimated that "altogether about 8,000 people"
died in the camp. (This figure may, however, only include victims of the
final chaotic weeks under German control.) Source: Signed report by
Oberst a.D. Hanns Schmidt to Kurt Mehner and Lt. Colonel Bechtold,
Braunschweig, March 3, 1981. (Cited above.) Photocopy in author's
possession.
L. Dawidowicz, "Belsen Remembered," Commentary (New York: American
Jewish Comm.), March 1966, pp. 84, 85; D. National-Zeitung (Munich),
March 21, 1986, p. 4; M. Gilbert, The Holocaust, pp. 690, 793.
F. Morgan, Peace and War (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1961), p. 259.
"Bergen-Belsen," Der Spiegel, Nr. 30, 1985, pp. 71, 72.


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DEPORTATION AND "EXTERMINATION" OF THE HUNGARIAN JEWS
by Carlo Mattogno 


1) The New Thesis of Jean-Claude Pressac:

In the section headed The Extermination of Hungarian Jews in our study,
Auschwitz: The End of a Legend (pp. 31-32), we demonstrated that the
Pressac thesis maintaining mass extermination of Hungarian Jews at
Auschwitz is historically unfounded based upon two arguments:

1) The material impossibility of carrying out actual cadaver- cremations
of such alleged masses of homicidally gassed persons.
and:
2) The Allied aerial reconnaissance photographs of 31 May 1944 which do
not reveal any extermination activity.

Our reasoning must have impressed Pressac (1) because now he presents a
radical revision of his thesis on pages 169 to 173 of Le macchine dello
sterminio,(2) which does not purport to be a revised edition, but merely
that it is supposed to be an Italian language translation of his
original French language book, Les CrÈmatoires d'Auschwitz: La
machinerie du meuertre de masse. But it IS different. Realizing the
material impossibility of an extermination of 292,000 Hungarian Jews, as
he had previously maintained, Pressac now has sought to salvage the
extermination principle by reducing the number of Jews deported to
Auschwitz from Hungary. In this regard, he affirms as follows:
The reports of Lieutenant Colonel Laszlo Ferenczy of the Hungarian
Police indicate that from 15 May to 8 July 1944, 148 convoys containing
483,000 (3) Jews were deported from Hungary with an average of 3,000
persons per convoy. The scheduled destination: Auschwitz, according to a
telegram of 24 April to German diplomat Edmund Veesenmayer. Routinely
mentioned as destinations of the Hungarian Jews: labor camps situated
within the territory of the Reich and subject to the authority of the
Reichsf¸hrer SS (according to Ritter); Upper Silesia, and the General
Gouvernement (according to Eberhard von Thadden). 
We would like to point out that the reports of Lieutenant Colonel Laszlo
Ferenczy refer to deportation of 434,351 Jews in 147 trains, (4) not of
438,000 in 148 trains. 

Then Pressac outlines the following status quaestionis [position]:
In the first Calendar of Auschwitz which Danuta Czech published in 1964,
are recorded 91 convoys from Hungary which had reached Auschwitz between
2 May and 18 October 1944 (limit dates).
It was estimated then that the 480,000 (5) deportees indicated by
Ferenczy had actually arrived at Auschwitz, but that the number of
convoys was less, and their load greater (4,800 per train). The
Auschwitz Museum prefers not to give an explanation as to the gap
between the two durations of deportations of approximately two months
according to Ferenczy, compared to four months claimed by them [the
Auschwitz Museum]. Since only about 28,000 Jews, both men and women,
were registered at Auschwitz, the other 410,000 were considered
homicidally gassed; signifying that 94% of the deportees were liquidated
upon arrival, and that only 6% were selected as capable for work
(percentages offered by researcher G. Wellers in 1983). For 25 years
these figures have been spread around the world and accepted as
certainties.
In the 2nd Kalendarium by Danuta Czech published by Rohwolt in 1989, no
longer is there any more mention of 53 Hungarian convoys arriving at
Auschwitz between 2 May and 11 July 1944. About 40 convoys have
disappeared. This "evaporation" explains with a misconception, the so-
called "selection" among the Hungarian Jews at Auschwitz, which is
revealed from documents discovered in the Arolsen Center.
The reception of a convoy at Birkenau proceeded as follows: the
unloading of arrivees at the "ramp"; the separation into two columns,
one of women and children; the other of men. Selection was carried out
by one or two SS medical doctors functioning near the center of the
platform after the two columns were divided into four columns: two of
women and children, and two of men. Those unable to work went ahead in
function of availability toward Crematories II, III, or V, and [were]
liquidated. The able men and women were either immediately registered
and interned in Auschwitz (especially the men); or transferred as soon
as possible to other camps of the Reich without being registered; or
finally-for the men and the women- thrust into the camp sectors of
Birkenau, the BIII (Durchgangslager) and the BIIc (camp of the Hungarian
Jews); always without being registered. Whenever the Auschwitz work
office needed manpower, or received a request from the outside, the
select registered workers were directed to the work Kommandos of the
camp or elsewhere, from the Jews of BIII and BIIc. It is these internal
and external transfers that took place after 11 July (the end of
deportations of Hungarians to Auschwitz), which caused the erroneous
belief that because of registration, the trains were still arriving from
Hungary. (pp. 170, 171).
2) The Pressac Basis for his New Thesis: 

In the first German edition of the Auschwitz Kalendarium (6) there are
91 convoys of Jews coming from Hungary between 2 May and 18 October
1944, which resulted in a total registration of 29,159 people. (7) As
far as the destiny of the non-registered people, the Kalendarium
invariably states: "Die from  which he subtracts incorrectly 150,000 deportees from Poland, just
as in the previous case; but he also reduces from 438,000 to 240,000,
the number of Hungarian Jews deported to Auschwitz; thereby obtaining
667,200 to 747,200 deportees:

1,095,200 - 150,000 - (438,000 - 160,000) = 667,200;
1,095,200 - 150,000 - (438,000 - 240,000) = 747,200.

Jean-Claude Pressac rounds out these figures to 670,000 and 750,000,
subtracting the 200,000 registered from them, he obtains 470,000 to
550,000 homicidally gassed Jews. He puts the total death count as
follows: 

Non-registered Jews who were gassed...........470,000 to 550,000
Deceased registered Detainees.......................126,000 - 
(Jews and non-Jews) 
Soviet Prisoners of War.....................................15,000 - 
Miscellaneous (Gypsies etc.)............................20,000 - 
Total ..................................................................
631,000 to 711,000 

In the calculation of the total death count, Pressac does not take into
consideration Jewish detainees who were transferred to other
concentration camps. The Hungarian Jews transferred from the
Durchgangslager must be included in this category.

As we have seen, Pressac estimates that at least 80,000 Hungarian Jews
escaped homicidal gassing; 28,000 of those registered at Auschwitz, and
52,000 who were not registered and were transferred to other camps.
Those must be subtracted from the 670,000 to 750,000 alleged homicidally
gassed who were unregistered. So the Pressac number of alleged
homicidally gassed Jews would be between 418,000 to 498,000.

We also take note that Pressac has also changed once again the number of
alleged homicidally gassed Hungarian Jews, now putting it at 80,000 to
160,000.

Before presenting our conclusion, we summarize in a synoptic table,
Jean-Claude Pressac regarding Jews he alleges were homicidally "gassed"
at Auschwitz:

Year 1989: 938,000
-of whom 200,000 to 250,000 were Hungarian Jews.

Year 1993: 630,000 
- of whom 320,000 were Hungarian Jews.

Year 1994: 550,000 
- of whom 80,000 to 160,000 to 470,000 were Hungarian Jews.

So, from 1989 to 1994, Jean-Claude Pressac has thus reduced the number
of homicidally gassed Jews by 50% from 938,000 to 470,000!

Our study, Auschwitz: The End of a Legend concludes with the observation
that since Jean-Claude Pressac wanted to study the question of Auschwitz
in a technical manner, he
had to accept revisionist methodology, according to which, where
testimony and technology disagree, it is technology which prevails.
Pressac has applied this principle by reducing the number of alleged
victims of alleged homicidal gassing, precisely because of its
incompatibility with the capacity (craftily inflated by him) of the
crematory ovens. In this manner, he has opened an irreparable leak in
traditional historiography, because technology reveals the material
impossibility of mass extermination at Auschwitz-Birkenau. If therefore,
Pressac wants to be coherent in his technical stance, all that remains
for him is to accept this conclusion. If he does not accept it, he can
only go backwards, declaring, in acceptance of that appeal of those
French historians, that one must not inquire as to how such alleged mass
extermination was technically possible (p.90).
In Le macchine dello sterminio, Jean-Claude Pressac has gone one step
further towards this conclusion. Pressac has understood that
extermination of the Hungarian Jews would have also been technically
impossible on the basis of the huge cremation capacity that he
attributed to the Birkenau facilities; but he did not want to draw the
extreme consequences from such an acknowledgment.

To pull himself out of trouble, he had only two ways out: either
increase cremation capacity, or diminish the number of deportees.
Pressac chose the second option.

The drastic reduction of deported Hungarian Jews to Auschwitz has become
such a tactical requirement for Jean-Claude Pressac, which cannot be set
aside; an unrenouncable way out; an illusory game by which he would make
the impossible possible. 

Because Pressac's "revision" has no historical foundation, but is merely
tactical, his statistics-the instruments for his illusory game-are
inevitably arbitrary and unfounded.

>From  a strictly historiographical point of view, Jean-Claude Pressac
seems to be torn between two contradictory necessities: one being the
technical, which rationally pushes him to negation of extermination of
the Jews at Auschwitz, and the other being the dogmatic one about the
holocaustic religion, which fiercely opposes such denial. 

It is difficult to predict which one of these two necessities will
prevail in the end, but Pressac's continual "revisions" gives us good
hope.

One thing is certain: If Jean-Claude Pressac wants to go on - even by
small steps - through the technical way in which he started, we could
expect at least more reductions in the numbers of homicidally "gassed"
people at Auschwitz.

NOTES 

1. The study Auschwitz: Fine di una leggenda was written in October of
1993 and Pressac received a copy of the text from the author by the end
of February 1994.
2. J.C. Pressac, Le macchine dello sterminio. Auschwitz 1942-1945.
Feltrinelli, Milano, October 1994.
3. Printing error: read 438,000.
4. Report of 9 July 1944, T-1322.
5. Typographical error [from Pressac]; read 438,000.
6. Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau,
published in: Hefte von Auschwitz, Wydawnictwo Pa_stwowego Muzeum w
O_wi_cimiu, Hefte 2, 1959; 3, 1960; 4, 1961; 6, 1962; 7 and 8, 1964.
7. See the complete list of the convoys in our study, Wellers e i
"gasati" di Auschwitz, Edizioni La Sfinge, Parma, March, 1987, pp. 51-
54.
8. Hefte von Auschwitz, 7, p. 91 ff.
9. Le Monde Juif, October-December 1983, Nr. 112, pp. 127-159.
10. This figure is mentioned in the telegram from E. Veesenmayer dated
11 July 1944, NG-5615.
11. G. Wellers, Essai de dÈtermination..., art. cit., pp. 147, 153.
12. Le procËs de JÈrusalem. Jugement-Documents. Introduction de LÈon
Poliakov. Calman-LÈvy, Paris 1963, p. 199.
13. Wellers e i "gasati" di Auschwitz, op. cit., pp.18-20, 37, 39.
14. Danuta Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager
Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939-1945. Rowohlt Verlag, Reinbeck bei Hamburg,
1989.
15. Idem., p.699.
16. Idem., pp.777 ff.
17. Wellers e i "gasati" di Auschwitz is one of our five studies which
are cited by J.C. Pressac in the bibliography which appears on page 564
of his book, Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers,
published by The Beate Klarsfeld Foundation, New York, 1989.
18. The report by E. von Thadden of 26 May 1944 [NG-2190] states that
one-third of the deported Jews from Hungary were able to work (see
below). Pressac has erected this into a "rule" which he observed in
relation to 116,000 deportees.
19. NG-5573.
20. NG-2190, p.2.
21. Idem., pp.4-5. 
22. T-1319 (text in Hungarian).
23. Printing mistakes: Read 30 May; also the three citations after 21
May are wrong: the correct date is 31 May.
24. The question of cremation capacity of the crematory ovens at
Auschwitz-Birkenau is presented in our articleDie Krematoriumsfen von
Auschwitz-Birkenau, in the anthology entitled Grundlagen zur
Zeitgeschichte, edited by Ernst Gaus, and published in 1994 by the
Grabert Verlag, Tuebingen, Germany, 1994, pp. 281-320.
25. The absurdities expressed in this regard by this " eye-witness" have
been analyzed and disproved in the cited essay Die Krematoriumsfen von
Auschwitz-Birkenau, op. cit., pp. 317-318.
26. Filip M¸ller, Sonderbehandlung. Drei Jahre in den Krematorien und
Gaskammern von Auschwitz. Verlag Steinhausen, M¸nchen, 1979, pp. 207,
211. of these alleged five crematory pits (total approximate area: 1,800
square meters) in the Allied reconnaissance photographs taken on 31 May
1944, as Pressac reduces these alleged pits from five, down to three,
and the area from 1,800 down to 157.5 square meters.
27. Filip M¸ller declares that in a 40 or 50 meter by 8 meter pit,
averaging 360 square meters in area, they cremated 1,200 cadavers in
three layers placed one upon another, alternating three layers of wood.
[Sonderbehandlung, op. cit., p.219]. The calculation would therefore be
this: [(1,200 360) ¥ 157.5] = 525.
28. Miklos Nyiszli, Auschwitz: A Doctor's Eyewitness Account, Fawcett
Crest, New York, 1961, pp. 70, 71.
29. T-1319.
30. According to the Auschwitz Kalendarium (1989), the first three
convoys would have arrived at Auschwitz on 16 May, and all the deportees
would have been homicidally gassed [op. cit., p.776]. This piece of
information, based exclusively on declarations given after the war, is
completely untrustworthy: the duration of the journeyæonly one dayæis
too short, and the complete lack of anyone at all who could work, is too
unlikely among three convoys sent to Auschwitz in order to be selected
for labor.
31. NG-5608
32. T-1319
33. NG-5623
34. 33,187 * 11 = 3,017 persons per each convoy. 3,017 ¥ 3 = 9,051
persons.
35. 3,017 * 4 = 12,068 persons.
36. 45,179 / 14 = 3,227 deportees per each train; 3,227 ¥ 4 = 12,908
37. 3,227 * 5 = 16,135
38. J.C. Pressac, Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas
Chambers, op. cit., p. 13.
39. Idem. p.97.
40. Idem. p. 253.
41. Franciszek Piper, Estimating the Number of Deportees to and Victims
of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Camp. Yad Vashem Studies, XXI (Jerusalem 1991,
pp.49-103); Auschwitz, Wie viele Juden, Polen, Zigeuner...wurden
umgebracht. Krakow, Universitas, 1992.
42. Franciszek Piper, Estimating the Number of Deportees to and Victims
of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Camp, art. cit., p.99.
43. Idem., S.97.
44. Idem., S.98.
45. F. Piper puts the count at 200,000 to 205,000




CODOH can be reached at: 
Post Office Box 3267 
Visalia CA 93278 

 

CODOH HTTP://WWW.CODOH.COM


Jeff Roberts
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope:
and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. 
Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900
----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 09:00:36 PDT 1996
Article: 52151 of alt.revisionism
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sum -r/size 54264/57226 section (from first to last encoded line)


From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 09:00:37 PDT 1996
Article: 52152 of alt.revisionism
Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!portc01.blue.aol.com!news-res.gsl.net!news.gsl.net!nntp.coast.net!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff
From: Jeffrey 
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: KREMA II [4/5]
Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 23:18:53 +0100
Organization: xxxxxxx
Lines: 927
Distribution: world
Message-ID: 
References: 
  
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[ Section: 4/5 File: krema2.gif Encoder: Turnpike Version 1.12 ]

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MR($-7O"!!JBMI%;Q$5 Newsgroups: alt.revisionism Subject: KREMA II Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 23:17:43 +0100 Organization: xxxxxxx Lines: 36 Distribution: world Message-ID: NNTP-Posting-Host: stumpy.demon.co.uk X-NNTP-Posting-Host: stumpy.demon.co.uk MIME-Version: 1.0 X-Newsreader: Turnpike Version 1.12 "The ground over the gassing cellar was converted into well-kept lawn, on which stood at regular intervals mushroom-like concrete objects. 114 These, though they might not intigue newcomers very much, were the shafts down which after methodically unscrewing the lids, the sanitary orderly was to scatter the amethyst-blue crystals when Sergeant-major Moll gave the order 'Na, gib ihmen schon zu fressen' (now, let them eat it). 115 [The Final Solution by G.Reitlinger (1968)] THE GIF FILE in this thread is a picture of Krematorium no II at Birkenau, in January 1943 [cf Pressac Auschwitz..pg 335]. The concrete structure in the foreground is a morgue, the so-called "vegasungskeller", which also serves as a delousing cellar, a "Entlausingkammer". [see Entlausingkammer posting] There are no "mushroom-like concrete objects". In the photographs of Sept 13 1944, taken by 2 different planes there are no "concrete mushroom-like concrete objects" either. THIS is because the canard of "homocidal gas chambers" is PROPAGANDA FICTION. IT'S JUST DRIVEL. Jeff Roberts ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope: and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From jeff@stumpy.demon.co.uk Mon Jul 22 13:03:55 PDT 1996 Article: 52222 of alt.revisionism Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!newsfeed.direct.ca!news1.io.org!winternet.com!mr.net!sgigate.sgi.com!news.msfc.nasa.gov!newsfeed.internetmci.com!howland.reston.ans.net!EU.net!usenet2.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!usenet1.news.uk.psi.net!uknet!dispatch.news.demon.net!demon!stumpy.demon.co.uk!jeff From: Jeffrey Newsgroups: alt.revisionism Subject: INTERNEES-spot the difference Date: Sun, 21 Jul 1996 23:54:41 +0100 Organization: xxxxxxx Lines: 53 Distribution: world Message-ID: NNTP-Posting-Host: stumpy.demon.co.uk X-NNTP-Posting-Host: stumpy.demon.co.uk MIME-Version: 1.0 X-Newsreader: Turnpike Version 1.12 IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR a) The Government in Britain rounded up a1) all enemy aliens. a2) all those who were a potential threat to the state under laws specially passed and sent them to concentration camps in remote places, such as the Isle of Man, Scotland, Canada. etc b) The Government in America rounded up b1) all enemy aliens. b2) all those who were a potential threat to the state under laws specially passed and sent them to concentration camps in remote places, such as the Mid West. c) The Government in the USSR rounded up b1) all enemy aliens, b2) all those who were a potential threat to the state under laws specially passed and sent them to concentration camps in remote places, such as Siberia. d) The Government in the German Reich rounded up d1) all enemy aliens. d2) all those who were a potential threat to the state. under laws specially passed and sent them to concentration camps in remote places, such as Russia. The jews were gassed. Question: What's the difference between a+b+c and d? Jeff Roberts ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Let your love towards life, be love towards your highest hope: and let your highest hope be the highest idea of life. Friedrich Nietzsche 1844 - 1900 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------

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