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From: dgannon@techbook.techbook.com (Dan Gannon)
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Subject: Los Angeles Racial Terrorism
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From: dgannon@techbook.techbook.com (Dan Gannon)
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Subject: Los Angeles Racial Terrorism
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LOS ANGELES RACIAL TERRORISM
 
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From: dgannon@techbook.techbook.com (Dan Gannon)
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Subject: Los Angeles Racial Terrorism
Date: 30 Jul 1993 16:58:25 -0700
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LOS ANGELES RACIAL TERRORISM
 
     The Los Angeles and related riots mark a new era in American cultural,
political, and economic life. We now know that we are under assault from
thugs and revolutionaries who hate Euro-American civilization and
everything it stands for: private property, material success for those who
earn it, and Christian morality.
 
     Ten thousand stores and other buildings looted and burned, thousands
beaten and otherwise seriously injured, 52 people dead. That was the toll
of the Los Angeles riots in which we saw white men pulled from their cars
and trucks and shot or brutally beaten. (In every case, the mob was not too
enraged to pick the victim's pocket.)  We saw Korean and white stores
targeted by the mob because they "exploited the community," i.e., sold
products people wanted at prices they were willing to pay.  Worst of all,
we saw the total breakdown of law enforcement, as black and white liberal
public officials had the cops and troops disarmed in the face of criminal
anarchy.
 
     In San Francisco and perhaps other cities, says expert Burt Blumert,
the  rioting was led by red-flag carrying members of the Revolutionary
Communist Party and the Workers World Party, both Trotskyite-Maoist. The
police were allowed to intervene only when the rioters assaulted the famous
Fairmont and Mark Hopkins hotels atop Nob Hill. A friend of Burt's, a
jewelry store owner, had his store on Union Square looted by blacks, and
when the police arrived in response to his frantic calls, their orders were
to protect his life, but not to interfere with the rioting.
 
     Even though the riots were aimed at whites (in L.A. at Koreans who had
committed the crime of working hard and being successful, and at Cambodians
in Long Beach), and even though anti-white and anti-Asian epithets filled
the air, this is not considered a series of hate crimes, nor a violation of
the civil rights of whites or Asians.
 
     The criminals who  terrorize our cities--in riots and on every
non-riot day--are not exclusively young black males, but they largely are.
As children, they are trained to hate whites, to believe that white
oppression is responsible for all black ills, to "fight the power," and to
steal and loot as much money from the white enemy as possible. Anything is
justified against "The Man."  And "The Woman.' A lady I know recently saw a
black couple in the supermarket with a cute little girl, three years old or
so. My friend waved to the tiny child, who scowled, stuck out her tongue,
and said (somewhat tautologically): "I hate you, white honkey." And the
parents were indulgent. Is any white child taught to hate in this way? I've
never heard of it. If a white child made such a remark to a black woman,
the parents would stop it with a reprimand or a spank.
 
     But this is normal, and in fact benign, compared to much of the
anti-white ideology in the thoroughly racist black community. The black
leadership indoctrinates its followers with phony history and phony theory
to bolster its claims of victimology. Like the communists who renounced all
that was bourgeois, the blacks reject all that is "Eurocentric." They
demand their own kind of thinking, and deny the possibility of non-blacks
understanding it.
 
     The insurrectionist and revolutionaries intended to destroy large
sections of Los Angeles. Why did the ghetto youths so furiously rage
together?  Was it because they have been neglected? Hardly.  Welfare has
transferred $2.5 trillion from white  middle class taxpayers to welfare
programs in the last 30 years. And if we adjust that figure for 1992
dollars, the total is more like $7 trillion. Are blacks being denied
economic opportunity? The cities could have freer markets, but so could the
rest of the country, where there is no rioting and little streetcrime. Are
black killers and looters responding to racism? Japanese Americans were
treated far worse in California than blacks. They were even put in
concentration camps by Earl Warren, John J. McCloy, and Franklin D.
Roosevelt, yet Japanese-Americans have never rioted. Korean-Americans,
hated by blacks, never riot, and in fact are some of the most productive
people in America (the reason for black hatred).
 
     The cause of the riots is plain: barbarism. If the barbarians cannot
loot sufficiently through legal channels (i.e., the riots being the
welfare-state minus the middleman), they resort to illegal ones, to
terrorism. Trouble is, few seem willing to do anything to stop them. The
cops have been handcuffed. And property owners are not allowed to defend
themselves. The mayor of Los Angeles, for example, ordered the Korean
storekeepers who defended themselves arrested for "discharging a firearm
within city limits."  Perhaps the most scandalous aspect of the Los Angeles
riots was the response by the mayors, the media, and the Washington
politicians. They all came together as one to excuse the violence and to
tell white America that it is guilty, although the guilt can be assuaged by
handing over more cash. It would be reactionary, racist, and fascist, said
the media, to have less welfare or tougher law enf orcement. America's
number one need is an unlimited white checking account for underclass
blacks.
 
     Rather than helping, all this will ensure that guerrilla violence will
escalate. There will be more occasional eruptions such as we saw in Los
Angeles, but just as terrifying are the daily muggings, robberies,
burglaries, rapes, and killings that make our cities terror zones.
 
     The rioters said they were acting out their frustration over the
acquittal of four L.A. policemen accused of using excessive force when
arresting Rodney G. King, but in fact, they were looking for an excuse to
kill, burn, and loot. Nonetheless, it is important to understand why the
jury decided not to convict, whether or not we agree with their verdict.
 
     The California highway patrol began chasing drunk driver Rodney King,
a black man with a long arrest record, and his two passengers on the night
of March 3, 1991. He was recklessly driving at speeds up to 115 mph for
almost eight miles. They raced on the highway until King turned off to
drive through traffic lights and stop signs on residential streets
(families could have been killed). The L.A. police department came to
assist in the high-speed chase with lights and sirens on.  One of King's
passenger s  asked him to pull over. King initially refused, driving
faster, but he finally  complied. When the cops  approached the car,
suspecting armed criminals, the two black passengers immediately stepped
out of the car and fell flat on their stomachs with arms stretched out, as
instructed. They were handcuffed.  King could have done the same. But he
chose a  different route. He refused to get out of the car. He stalled for
a minute, and several times, stepped out of the car and then back into it.
The police wo ndered if he was searching the car for a gun. Once King
stopped this game, he was told by cops with guns pointing at him to put his
belly down on the ground with arms outstretched. Instead, King began to do
a crazy dance and laugh freakishly. He taunted the police and even the
helicopter buzzing above him. This is why the police thought he was on PCP.
 
     Despite police orders, King continued to dance, grabbing his buttocks
to make lewd gestures at a female cop.  Sgt. Koon approached him and warned
that he would be stung with a Taser gun. King got down on his hands and
knees, but refused to lay flat. He was again warned, but King refused.
Officer Powell put his knee on King's back to get him down on the ground so
he could be handcuffed. King went down to the ground, but bounced back up,
shaking off all the police who were trying to get hold of him. Fina lly,
Koon stung him with the gun, delivering 50,000 volts of electricity, and
King fell to the ground again. But again he bounced up, prompting Koon to
deliver another 50,000 volts. King fell again, this time into the proper
position. Not a single baton blow had been delivered and the cops thought
everything was over.
 
     At this point, the video camera started to tape the action. Officer
Powell approached King to put handcuffs on him, but King, weighing 250
pounds and standing 6'4" tall, shocked everyone by springing into action
again from his flat position. Like a professional linebacker, he charged
Powell, who thought King was going for his gun. That's when Powell started
using the baton.  At one point, Powell thought King was subdued, put away
the baton and reached for the cuffs. But King started to stand up again.
Remembering how King rushed him before, he put away his cuffs and brought
out the baton again. One officer even tried to put his foot on King's neck
to prevent him from getting up again so he could be cuffed.
 
     In all, he was hit 56 times, and even in the end he refused to comply.
He had to be cuffed in an odd position that risked the lives of the cops.
The hospital reported that King had suffered an injury on the face from
when he fell to the ground and minor injuries to his leg. He was never hit
on the spine or the head, which would have violated regulations. And he was
not beaten nearly to death, as some have claimed.  The jury concluded that
at every point of that night's action, King was in control. He could have
complied at any time and stopped the beating. Whether we agree or disagree
with the juries verdict--that the cops did not use exxcessive force--it is
instructive to know what they saw and what the media still refuses to tell
us or show us. None of the major networks showed the video scene when King
rushed Officer Powell after the first Taser jolt. Only CNN showed it, one
time. And no major paper even mentioned it. Neither did any major paper or
network tell of the two passengers who complied and were peacefully
arrested. Why?  We were shown the section of tape where the cops hit King
as a metaphor for white racism. Shown it again and again, we were supposed
to feel guilty.
 
     Not long after this incident, King was found trying to pick up a
transvestite prostitute, and when caught, tried to run over the cops who
intervened. He was not arrested. This was not reported outside of L.A.  He
was also not jailed for violating his parole (for armed robbery) or for
drunk and reckless driving or for violently resisting arrest. The verdict
was handed down at 3:15pm on April 29. For weeks we had heard threats that
the blacks would riot if the officers were not convicted. Taking that into
account, did the media or politicians defer to the jury (as they do when a
liberal-approved criminal is released)?  Not at all.  At 5:10 pm, liberal
black L.A. Mayor Tom  Bradley said he was shocked and outraged at the
verdict.  He denounced the jurors for approving "the senseless and brutal
beating of a helpless man." As an afterthought, he asked the ci ty to
"remain calm."  With those words, he might as well have thrown a match into
a pool of gasoline. It was permission for the blacks to "express their
rage."
 
     Ten minutes later, the police got their first report of trouble.
Blacks were throwing beer cans at passing cars. When the police showed up,
the crowds had gotten much bigger. Cops tried to control them, but realized
they were outnumbered. Realizing that they could not use their guns or even
look cross-eyed at a black, a video recorded a policeman saying: "It's not
worth it. Let's go."  Indeed it wasn't worth it. The cops could only have
put themselves on trial and had their lives ruined too.
 
     Ironically, they were being filmed and are now denounced. But it was
the Establishment's reaction to the Rodney King verdict that set the
precedent that black criminals always have the benefit of the doubt over
white police.  At 5:45, the field commander in the area where the riots
began ordered that no police go into the area. "I want everybody out of
here. Get out. Now." He wanted to protect his police force, which could
take no action without media criticism and legal action, from rioters who
vastly outnumbered them and were sometimes better armed.  The blacks
started to attack cars driven by whites and light-skinned Hispanics with
crowbars, rocks, bottles, and even a metal traffic sign. At the last
minute, some police officers rescued a woman abandoned in her car and were
pelted by rocks as they left.
 
     At 6:45, a white man was dragged from a delivery truck and thrown to
the ground and beaten, as black assailants yelled, "That's how Rodney King
felt, white boy!" Another white truck driver, Reginald O. Denny, pulled
into the area and five blacks beat him nearly to death. One threw a fire
extinguisher at his head as he lay unconscious, breaking nearly every bone
in his face. A white boy was pulled from his motorcycle and shot in the
head.  All this happened less than an hour and a half after the mayor had
denounced the verdict. Rather than call for even minimal standards of
justice, the Establishment coalesced into its excusemaking mode, justifying
black terrorism in various ways. It was caused by poverty, frustration, "12
years of neglect," etc., but never evil. The fires burned out of control as
firemen were attacked by the rioters as well, in one case with an axe.
 
     All banks within the vicinity of rioting, meaning nearly all of
central L.A., were immediately shut down. People who wanted to cash checks
or make deposits were shocked to find them closed. They were also stunned
to find city transit not running. Taxicabs were nowhere in sight. White
people found themselves walking alone many blocks to get home, running the
minefield of black gangs out for their blood.
 
     Many people tried to buy guns to protect themselves. But, whoops,
California has a 14-day waiting period. And then, just to make sure honest
Californians could not get ammunition for the firearms they already owned
(poor ragefilled youth might be shot), Mayor Tom Bradley ordered all gun
and ammo shops closed, a great help to criminals who had stocked up
earlier, or who could simply break in and loot.
 
     Another group that had stocked up were Korean merchants, many of whom
defended their places with guns, and later were arrested for illegal use of
firearms. As one told the L.A. Times, "Two looters entered my store; one
left." These Korean immigrants were the only people to act like real
Americans, mainly because they have not yet been assimilated into our
liberal culture, which admonishes whites faced by raging blacks to lie back
and think of England.  White reporters and photographers who entered the
riot zone were dragged from their cars and beaten. A freelance reporter for
the Boston Globe was shot five times. The anti-white hate crimes
accumulated.
 
     In the midst of the rioting, Jesse Jackson and Congresswoman Maxine
Waters (D-CA) spouted the pro-terrorist line that it was all justified
because blacks "can't get no justice." The newsmen of the major networks
interviewed them and lovingly bemoaned the "plight of the inner-city youth."
Liberal statist Jack Kemp weighed in with a victimological line similar to
Jackson's, saying we need more federal programs for the cities. As the
Establishment promised to spread more white  taxpayers' money around the
inner city, the killers and looters spread their violence to Hollywood,
Beverly Hills, Fairfax, and Westwood. A mall in Compton burned.
 
     The Violence wasn't limited to the L.A. area. It extended to Long
Beach, Cal. (where more than 500 Cambodian-owned businesses were torched);
Seattle, Wash.; Eugene, Ore.; San Francisco, Cal.; San Jose, Cal.; Las
Vegas, Nev. (where it still lingers); Madison, Wis.; Birmingham, Ala.; and
Atlanta, Ga.  Terrorism swept America.  In Las Vegas, for example, a white
man was pulled out of his car and severely beaten by blacks breaking up
from an anti-white rally at l0:30 pm. The blacks shouted racial insults as
the police carted him away to the hospital. The crowd then pelted SWAT
teams in armored vehicles with rocks and bottles. Someone in the crowd of
blacks shot a gun and the police responded with tear gas. I'm sure that
there were many more incidents of looting, fires, and violence that we
haven't heard about for the simple fact that the media doesn't want us to
know about them. Newsmen and editors are protecting us from the truth.
 
     Order was only restored in L.A. when it came time for the blacks to
pick up their welfare checks three days after rioting began. The "poor"
lined up at the post office to get their handouts (since there were no
deliveries)--and then complained about slow service.  What if the checks
had never arrived?  No doubt the blacks would have fully privatized the
welfare state through continued looting.  But they were paid off and the
violence subsided.
 
     Several days after the violence ended, we learned that there would
have been blacks on the King jury--if the NAACP hadn't engaged in jury
tampering by telling potential black jurors that it was their racial duty
to convict the cops. The blacks admitted this to defense lawyers, and were
rightly excluded from jury. This is a serious crime, but the NAACP will not
be prosecuted.
 
     Imagine the irony. Blacks have whined endlessly that letting the cops
off was "all white" (even though the jury included an Hispanic and an
Asian). But it was the leading "civil rights" organization that is at fault
for this.
 
What did Bush say about the riots?  First he promised to have the Justice
Department see if it could retry the cops for violating Rodney King's
"civil rights." But what about the constitutional prohibition of double
jeopardy? No one cares. Then Bush promised an immediate payoff of $600
million to L.A. gangsters. When the liberals called this a "token", he
raised the amount to $1.2 billion. He has vacillated between pretending to
be a tough guy and condemning the rioters, and taking up the Jack Kemp line
that inner-city "despair" can be fixed through more federal programs.  But
this is capitulation to terrorist demands. The advice some libertarians
give---"don't vote, it only encourages them" applies here. We must not
kowtow to the street hoodlums and their sanctimonious leaders.
 
     At a Washington, D.C., rally two weeks after the L.A. attempt at
revolution, many poured out to lobby for more money to be given to the
cities. The most commonly held sign was: "Justice for Rodney King. Free all
the L.A. prisoners."  Now, consider for a moment what this slogan implies.
Were they upset by the murders, the burned buildings, and the $1 billion in
property damage?  Not at all, except to use it as an excuse to get more
cash. They wanted the cops jailed and the murderers, arsonists, and thieves
set free. This came not from the underclass, but from middle-class
blacks and black political activists, who hold opinions not markedly
different from the Crips and the Bloods.  But the Crips and the Bloods, it
turns out, have been "misunderstood," according to Ted Koppel who
interviewed two of these animals. After spending several hours with them,
he decided he liked them. Unfortunately, they didn't pull him out of his
stretch limousine.
 
     Regardless of what the media tell us, most white Americans are not
going to believe that they are at fault for what blacks have done to cities
across America. The professional blacks may have cowed the elites, but good
sense survives at the grass roots.  Many more are going to have difficultly
avoiding the belief that our country is being destroyed by a group of
actual and potential terrorists -- and they can be identified by the color
of their skin. This conclusion may not be entirely fair, but it is, for
many, entirely unavoidable.
 
     Indeed, it is shocking to consider the uniformity of opinion among
blacks in this country. Opinion polls consistently show that only about 5%
of blacks have sensible political opinions, i.e. support the free market,
individual liberty, and the end of welfare and affirmative action. I know
many who fall into this group personally and they deserve credit--not as
representatives of a racial group, but as decent people.  They are,
however, outnumbered. Of black males in Washington, D.C, between the ages
of 18 and 35, 42% are charged with a crime or are serving a sentence,
reports the National Center on Institutions and Alternatives. The Center
also reports that 70% of all black men in Washington are arrested before
they reach the age of 35, and 85% are arrested at some point in their
lives. Given the inefficiencies of what D.C. laughingly calls the "criminal
justice system," I think we can safely assume that 95% of the black males
in that city are semi-criminal or entirely criminal.
 
     If similar in-depth studies were conducted in other major cities, who
doubts that similar results would be produced?  We are constantly told that
it is evil to be afraid of black men, but it is hardly irrational. Black
men commit murders, rapes, robberies, muggings, and burglaries all out of
proportion to their numbers.
 
     Perhaps the L.A. experience should not be surprising. The riots,
burning, looting, and murders are only a continuation of 30 years of racial
politics. The looting in L.A. was the welfare state without the voting
booth.  The elite have sent one message to black America for 30 years: you
are entitled to something for nothing. That's what blacks got on the
streets of L.A. for three days in April. Only they didn't ask their
Congressmen to arrange the transfer.
 
     Blacks have "civil riqhts," preferences, set-asides for government
contracts, gerrymandered voting districts, black bureaucracies, black
mayors, black curricula in schools, black beauty contests, black tv shows,
black tv anchors, black scholorships and colleges, hate crime laws, and
public humiliation for anyone who dares question the black agenda.
 
     Two years ago, in a series of predictions for the 1990s, I said that
race riots would erupt in our large cities. I'm now predicting this will be
the major problem of the 1990s.
 

Taken from the Ron Paul Political Report, 1120 NASA Blvd., Suite 104,
Houston, TX 77058 for $50 per year. Call 1-800-766-7285.      
 
--------

-Dan Gannon

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From: dgannon@techbook.techbook.com (Dan Gannon)
Newsgroups: alt.discrimination,alt.conspiracy,misc.headlines,soc.misc
Subject: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America
Date: 30 Jul 1993 17:03:03 -0700
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Summary: Review of a new book



>From _The Journal of Historical Review_, Vol. 13, Number 2 (Mar./Apr. 1993):


                      [From the REVIEWS section:]
 
                        A Powerful Indictment of
                     America's Failed Racial Policy

 
PAVED WITH GOOD INTENTIONS: THE FAILURE OF RACE RELATIONS IN CONTEMPORARY
AMERICA, by Jared Taylor.  New York: Caroll & Graf, 1992.  Hardcover.  416
pages.  Notes.  Index.  ISBN: 0-88184-866-2.  (Available from the IHR for
$22.95, plus $2 shipping.)

                      Reviewed by Charles Stanwood


During the 1950s and 1960s, America's black civil rights leaders, with
support from liberal politicians and the most influential molders of public
opinion, pressed hard for "non-discrimination" in voting, education,
housing, and employment opportunity.  Equal opportunity, it was argued,
would inevitably lead to equal social-economic results.  Upholding the
standard of a "color-blind" constitution, this movement succeeded in
anchoring its demands in law, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the 1968 Open Housing Act.

  When equal opportunity failed to bring the hoped-for results, America's
political and cultural leaders abandoned their original goal of color-blind
"non-discrimination."  Armed with new state and federal laws, key court
decisions and a network of administrative guidelines and regulations, they
instead fashioned a new social order based on racial preferences for
non-whites and proportional distribution of benefits among ethnic (and now
gender and linguistic) groups.  New theories of "compensatory justice" have
been invoked to provide a philosophical gloss for this revolution in
policy.

  Moreover, as author Jared Taylor graphically relates in this meticulously
documented, closely argued and powerfully written review of the lamentable
state of race relations in America, a system of "prevailing taboos" has
been allowed to evolve, a dangerous consequence of which is that honest and
intelligent discussion of race and related issues has largely been
proscribed.

  Boldly defying this proscription, Taylor has produced the first book in
decades issued by a mainstream publisher that forthrightly confronts the
profound failure of America's racial policy.  In his introduction to this
damning indictment, the author sets the tone of _Paved with Good
Intentions_:


    Race is the great American dilemma.  This has always been so, and is
    likely to remain so...  In our multicultural society, race lurks just
    below the surface of much that is not explicitly racial...  Race is the
    fearful question that looms behind every social problem in America.

    Almost from its opening pages this book casts doubt on the basic
    assumptions about race and society that have driven social policy for
    decades.  In attempting to show how mistaken assumptions begot mistaken
    policy, it has been necessary to show just how miserably those policies
    have failed.

___________________________________________________________________________

Charles Stanwood is the pen name of an educator who holds a Ph.D. in
History.  He has taught at the college level at institutions in the West
and Midwest.  Author, co-author, and contributor to nine books and
monographs, his articles and reviews have appeared in a wide range of
scholarly American periodicals.
___________________________________________________________________________

  In the pages that follow, Taylor spares no words in portraying the harsh
reality.  "Hideous things are happening in our country," he writes.
"Millions of Americans -- many of them black -- live in conditions of
violence and squalor that would shame the rulers of Third World nations."

  What's worse, he goes on, in spite of billions of dollars and countless
pledges by platoons of politicians, conditions have actually deteriorated
in recent decades.  A large proportion of America's black population is
much worse off today than it was during the pre-civil rights era.  Over the
past 40 years, the lifting of social or institutional restraints on blacks
has coincided with a drastic worsening of their condition.


Grim Figures

  Citing an impressive -- even numbing -- array of facts and figures,
_Paved With Good Intentions_ thoroughly documents the extent of this
deterioration, and the yawning gap between black and white America.  A few
examples:


  * While blacks make up only twelve percent of the population, they commit
60 percent of the murders and over half of all rapes and robberies.

  * One of four black men in their twenties is either in jail, on parole,
or on probation.  In Washington, DC, 85 percent of black males were
arrested during their lifetime.

  * Black babies are twice as likely to die in their first year as white
infants.

  * Blacks are more than four and a half times more likely than whites to
be on public assistance.

  * Over the last four decades, the institution of marriage has virtually
disappeared among blacks.  In 1950, when discriminatory "Jim Crow" laws
prevailed in many states, 52 percent of black children were living with
both parents.  By the 1980s, this figure had fallen to just six percent.
Two-thirds of all black children are now born out of wedlock.  (The rate
for whites is 19 percent.)

  * Around a billion dollars a year is spent treating gun-shot wounds in
America's inner cities.  Blacks are ten times more likely than whites to
require emergency-room treatment for the effects of cocaine abuse.

  * Between 1985 and 1990, the rate of syphilis infection among blacks
increased by 150 percent, while it decreased by half among whites.
Nationwide, blacks are fifty times more likely to have syphilis than are
whites.

  * AIDS is increasingly becoming a disease of blacks and Hispanics.  By
the end of 1991, blacks were 3.6 times more likely than whites to have the
disease.  Hispanics were 2.9 times more likely.  In some inner-city areas,
health conditions now mirror those prevailing in many parts of Africa.

  * Black men between the ages of 15 and 24 are now nearly nine times as
likely to kill each other as are whites of the same age, and homicide has
become the leading cause of death for black men between ages 15 and 44.  In
Harlem, there are so many killings that a black man living there is less
likely to reach age 65 than is a man living in Bangladesh.


[Photograph captioned, "Jared Taylor".]


  Interracial crime rates show a similarly stark asymmetry.  When whites
commit crimes of violence, they choose black victims 2.4 percent of the
time.  In contrast, blacks select white victims in over half of the crimes
they commit.  Blacks are 325 times more likely to engage in gang attacks on
whites than whites are to take part in pack assaults against blacks.
Interracial rape is overwhelmingly black on white.  Analysis of recent
crime statistics reveals that black men rape white women 30 times more
often than white men rape black women.


"Hate Crimes"

  Even in the special case of "hate crimes" -- a new category invented in
the late 1980s to track "abuse" of ethnic and gender groups, and which was
supposed to disclose widespread discrimination against blacks, Hispanics,
Asians, and homosexuals by white males -- whites are victimized much more
often than are blacks.  Observes Taylor:  "The fact that blacks are far
more likely to commit 'hate crimes' than whites is a fact for which there
is simply no room in the conventional view of how American society works."


Institutional Hypocrisy

  A good portion of this book is devoted to the hypocritical double
standard on matters of race that has taken root in our society.  "There are
now many things that whites may not do but that are tolerated and even
encouraged among blacks," he writes.  "We have double standards in
politics, in school, at work, in the press, even in our speech.  Many
Americans are reluctant to acknowledge these double standards."

  The author details how the national news media deliberately distorts
reality by failing accurately to report black-on-white crimes.  The
relatively rare instances of racially motivated white-on-black crime are
often seized upon and sensationally blown out of all proportion.  On the
other hand, crime against whites is largely ignored or vastly
under-reported.  This may help explain why whites have not organized
protests, or sought revenge, for attacks against co-racialists committed by
blacks and other non-whites.

  "...One of the most striking -- and destructive -- examples of the way
the media handle news about race was the Rodney King affair," Taylor
contends.  "It is not an exaggeration to say that the coverage of this
incident was so slanted as to be a major cause of the riots that later
rocked Los Angeles."

  America's entertainment media engages in anti-white racist stereotyping.
On telvision and in motion pictures, blacks are rarely portrayed as bad
guys, while white businessmen are routinely depicted as villains.

  School textbooks similarly reinforce the notion that wicked whites are
responsible for black poverty and lawlessness.  They present a racially
skewed picture of America, Taylor writes, one that exaggerates non-white
contributions to society while playing down those of whites.

  Whereas whites are forbidden to think in terms of racial identity,
"blacks are encouraged to identify with their racial 'brothers,' to promote
'black consciousness,' and to see themselves as a group defined clearly by
race."  One consequence of this is that black jurors are less and less
likely to convict black defendants, even in cases where the evidence
against the accused is overwhelming.  This is especially true in cases
where the victims of crime are white.

  "Many whites," Taylor contends, "thunder against the faintest trace of
white racism, while they ignore the blatant racial excesses of blacks.
They have convinced themselves that blacks cannot get ahead without
handouts and special treatment.  By exempting blacks from individual
responsibility, they treat them as vassals."

  Predictably, black-white relations have deteriorated, and whatever sense
of community may have existed in the past seems largely to have evaporated.
The sometimes euphoric confidence of the 1960s about the future of race
relations in the US has given way to a national mood approaching despair.

  All this has become possible, concludes Taylor, because "whites have
stripped themselves of collective racial consciousness.  They do not see
themselves along racial lines."


White Racism to Blame?

  The familiar explanation for black failure -- repeated endlessly in
motion pictures, newspapers, magazines, and by political and educational
leaders -- is lingering white racism.  As Taylor stresses:


    Americans are so accustomed to hearing -- and repeating -- this view
    that they scarcely bother to think what it means.  It means,
    essentially, that white people, not blacks, are responsible for black
    behavior.  It implies that blacks are helpless and cannot make progress
    unless whites transform themselves.

    Do blacks drop out of school?  Teachers are insensitive to their needs.
    Do black women have children out of wedlock?  Slavery broke up the
    black family.  Are blacks more likely than whites to commit crimes?
    Oppression and poverty explain it.  Are ghetto blacks unemployed?
    White businesses are prejudiced against them.  Are blacks more likely
    to be drug addicts?  They are frustrated by white society...  There is
    scarcely any form of failure that cannot, in some way, be laid at the
    feet of racist white people.

    This kind of thinking denies that blacks should be expected to take
    responsibility for their own actions.  More subtly, it suggests that
    they cannot do so.


  Taylor marshals an army of facts to explode the myth that whites are to
blame for the problems that plague black America.  In fact, he documents,
blacks and whites with similar backgrounds and educational levels are doing
about equally well.  Although the general public is unaware of these facts,
studies reveal that black women, for example, earn more than white women
with equal qualifications.  Blacks holding doctoral degrees make as much or
more than comparably educated whites.  Young black couples who manage to
remain married have family incomes almost identical to those of white
couples.  In families where both spouses are college educated and both
work, black families generally make more than white families.

  In the area of criminal justice, the comparison is instructive.  Contrary
to what the public has been led to believe, black police officers are "more
active disciplinarians" who are "more likely to make arrests."  In fact,
Taylor goes on, "black policemen are more likely to shoot blacks than white
policemen are," and black judges often deal out harsher sentences to black
criminals than do their white counterparts.

  The figures on the death penalty do not support often-repeated charges of
"institutional racism."  Whites convicted of murder are more likely to
receive the death penalty than black murderers.  Whites who kill other
whites are more likely to be executed than are blacks who kill whites.

  Virtually every study comparing like groups of blacks and whites has
arrived at similar findings.


"Affirmative Action"

  The two long chapters devoted to a discussion of "affirmative action" are
among the best in this outstanding book.  Although this ambiguous term
first cropped up in a 1961 executive order by President Kennedy, it was the
Nixon administration that really institutionalized "affirmative action"
policies.  The author reveals that after "equal opportunity" legislation
failed to lead to equal results, the elites in control of government, big
business and education agreed to lower standards and devised a race-based
point system.  In every sector of American life, whites -- and especially
white males -- are officially discriminated against.  "'Civil rights' now
means special treatment for blacks, the meaning of 'equal opportunity' has
been neatly reversed, and 'affirmative action' is a euphemism for
officially sanctioned racial discrimination."  Today, writes Taylor,
"essentially any non-white can get preference, including recent
immigrants."  Nowhere is this more true than on the campuses of our
colleges and universities, where preferential treatment for non-whites has
become the operating norm.

  "Sensitivity training" designed to defuse white resentment against
manifestly unfair practices in access, hiring, and promotion is now
obligatory in government, business, and education.  While blacks are openly
encouraged to act in their own interests, "whites, on the other hand, are
expected to support, or at least remain silent about, a system that
discriminates against them."  As the author goes on to note, "one of the
great, unwritten rules of race relations in America today" is that
"affirmative action has lowered employment and admission standards for
non-whites all across America, but everyone must pretend not to have
noticed."


High Price

  The United States is paying a frightfully heavy price for all this.  For
example, Taylor discovered that only 14 percent of Fortune 500 companies
confess that they now hire new personnel strictly on the basis of merit.
The author cites report after report documenting how less-qualified blacks
are being admitted to, and graduated by, colleges and graduate schools --
including medical and law schools -- and then hired by police and fire
departments, other governmental agencies, and private business firms.
Around half of the "black middle class" is employed by government.  Those
in business serve often as affirmative action/equal opportunity
APPARATCHIKS, or they are carried along, with white co-workers taking up
the slack (though without extra compensation).  The double standard
prevailing throughout American education should be regarded as a national
scandal.  All this has undoubtedly affected the morale of conscientious and
hardworking Americans, who are understandably ever more cynical about the
nation's political and cultural institutions and leaders.

  If not white racism, what then accounts for the disparity in black-white
performance and lifestyle, and the calamitous state of black America?  The
answer, Taylor explains, "is that the black populaiton is not identical to
the white population."

  While carefully avoiding exploration of the thorny and highly
emotion-charged question of racial differences, he does muse at one point:


    If whites are not holding blacks down, it might mean that they [blacks]
    have arisen as far as their inherent limitations permit.  The
    possibility of black inferiority is the unacknowledged goblin that
    lurks in the background of every attempt to explain black failure.
    Part of the shrillness with which white racism is denounced stems from
    the belief that any letup in the struggle against it might leave room
    for a theory that is too dangerous to be contemplated.


Courage to Face Facts Needed

  Given the grim reality of racial relations in America, what, then, is to
be done?

  "The first step in halting black decline," Taylor insists, "is to throw
out the deadly equation of Black Failure = White Guilt.  Black shakedown
artists and white guilt mongers alike must be exposed as the dangerous
frauds they are."

  Secondly, he argues, the reproduction of the underclass (white as well as
black) should no longer be subsidized by society's productive element.  At
a minimum, he recommends that the government should provide free
contraceptives and abortions for poor women, and require some welfare
recipients to use the Norplant contraceptive device, which prevents
pregnancy for up to five years.  Here Taylor echoes the arguments made
against "legal theft" by the brilliant 19th-century French political
economist, Frederic Bastiat.

  In any case, Taylor argues, only by confronting the true dimensions of a
failed policy can we hope to resolve the many daunting problems that are
its consequence.  He writes:


    One hundred thirty years ago, this nation very nearly tore itself apart
    because of race.  It could do so again.  Policies based on white guilt
    and reverse racism have failed.  Policies based on the denial of
    individual responsibility have failed.  We must have the courage to
    admit that they have failed, and forge new policies that will succeed.


  For producing this wise, disturbing and even enraging examination of the
most crucial issue facing our nation, Jared Taylor deserves the thanks of
every American who cares about the future.  (The book's New York publisher,
Carroll & Graf, likewise deserves praise for its courage in daring to issue
this bold volume, and for committing substantial funds to promote it.)

  If any single book can re-open an honest debate on race relations in
America, and motivate concerned and thoughtful (but now silent) Americans,
it is _Paved with Good Intentions_.


___________________________________________________________________________

Taylor's _Paved with Good Intentions_ is available from the IHR for $22.95,
plus $3 shipping.  Please see the following ad.
___________________________________________________________________________



             A BOLD BLOW AGAINST THE CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE


                      PAVED WITH GOOD INTENTIONS:
         The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America
                            by Jared Taylor


"Timely, powerful, breathtaking.  This is a painful book to read, yet hard
to put down.  Its impact is profound.  Let us hope that this important book
does not itself become another victim of the conspiracy of silence, and
that it gains the attention it deserves."

     --Richard J. Herrnstein, Professor of Psychology, Harvard University


THERE IS NO MORE COMPELLING ISSUE confronting Americans today than that of
race.  And yet there is no other issue in which the gap between private
beliefs and public discussion is wider.  Many Americans have succumbed to
the notion that it is somehow wrong to be forthright about questions of
race; that decent, intelligent people should not candidly discuss what's
wrong; that the only acceptable debate must take place in an arena
circumscribed by taboos.

   Jared Taylor wants to reopen this debate.  He believes that unless we
can be forthright about race issues, unless we can ask the right questions
and receive honest answers, we have little chance of solving the problem.
And if we don't solve the problem, the race situation can only worsen.

   This is the most important book about race relations in America to be
published in a generation.  It unflinchingly explores the failed
consequences of laws and regulations that have turned the ideal of equal
opportunity on its head, and it suggests approaches to festering social
problems that today appear to be beyond our ability to remedy, or even
grasp.

   _Paved With Good Intentions_ boldly argues that as long as whites are
held chiefly responsible for the situation of blacks, policies such as
affirmative action and quotas, perceived to penalize one group to reward
another, will only make matters worse.


                      PAVED WITH GOOD INTENTIONS:
         The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America
                            by Jared Taylor

                     Cloth, 416 pages, Notes, Index
                          $22.95 + $3 shipping

                             AVAILABLE FROM

                    Institute for Historical Review
                             P.O. Box 2739
                        Newport Beach, CA 92659


[end of text]


[Reprinted by permission from _The Journal of Historical Review_, P.O. Box
1306, Torrance, CA 90505, USA.  Subscription rate: $40 per year, domestic.
$50 per year, foreign.]


     This article was manually transcribed by the System Operator of the
"Banished CPU" computer bulletin board system, which is located in Portland,
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-Dan Gannon

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From oneb!cs.ubc.ca!utcsri!rutgers!gatech!howland.reston.ans.net!noc.near.net!uunet!techbook.com!techbook.com!not-for-mail Sat Jul 31 18:54:50 PDT 1993
Article: 14160 of soc.history
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From: dgannon@techbook.techbook.com (Dan Gannon)
Newsgroups: soc.history,alt.censorship,alt.activism,alt.revisionism
Subject: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America
Summary: Review of a new book
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>From _The Journal of Historical Review_, Vol. 13, Number 2 (Mar./Apr. 1993):

[duplicate text deleted]

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From oneb!cs.ubc.ca!utcsri!utnut!cs.utexas.edu!uunet!techbook.com!techbook.com!not-for-mail Sat Jul 31 19:01:21 PDT 1993
Article: 88027 of talk.politics.misc
Path: oneb!cs.ubc.ca!utcsri!utnut!cs.utexas.edu!uunet!techbook.com!techbook.com!not-for-mail
From: dgannon@techbook.techbook.com (Dan Gannon)
Newsgroups: talk.politics.misc
Subject: The Failure of Race Relations in Contemporary America
Date: 30 Jul 1993 17:05:23 -0700
Organization: TECHbooks - Public Access
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NNTP-Posting-Host: techbook.techbook.com
Summary: Review of a new book


[duplicate text deleted]

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