The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

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From: (NLG Civil Liberties Committee)
Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy
Subject: Re: Bellant: Old Nazi Networks in US
Message-ID: <>
Date: 12 Dec 92 02:28:00 GMT
References: <>
Nf-ID: #R:cdp:1299600110:cdp:1299600123:000:11751
Nf-From: cdp.UUCP!cberlet    Dec 11 18:28:00 1992

[Editor's note: This file was concatenated from the six original parts.
Header files, excepting ID's, have been removed for parts 2-6. knm Dec 14,

/* Written  9:10 pm  Dec  8, 1992 by cberlet in igc:publiceye */
/* Written  8:30 pm  Dec  6, 1992 by cberlet in */
/* Written  7:14 pm  Mar  4, 1990 by nlgclc in igc:publiceye */
Bellant: Old Nazis/Allies 1
     "Perhaps what is most wrong with the World Anti-Communist 
League is what it hides behind and what it has rejected. In the 
name of anti-communism, it has embraced those responsible for 
death squads, apartheid, torture, and the extermination of 
European Jewry. Along the way, it has repudiated democratic 
government as a viable alternative, either to govern or to combat communism."
(Scott Anderson & Jon Lee Anderson, 
[Dodd, Mead & Company, 1986]
     - Roger Pearson, the White House and Racialism -
          When journalists first saw the White House fundraising 
letter dated April 14, 1982, written for Roger Pearson and signed 
by Ronald Reagan, it was thought to be a fluke. Since Pearson, a 
former leader of the World Anti-Communist League, was a 
world-renowned racialist with a long history of associations with 
neo-Nazi groups and individuals, a White House repudiation of the 
letter was expected when the problem was discovered. After all, 
it was the summer of 1984, and who would want Reagan connected in 
any way with an advocate of racial extermination policies before 
the November elections?
      , however, pursued the story and 
found out that the White House itself was unwilling to repudiate 
the letter, or Pearson. [F-206] White House staff did say 
Pearson would be asked to stop using the letter. 
     Anson Franklin, an assistant presidential press secretary, 
added "the president has long held views opposing racial 
discrimination in any form, and he would never condone anything 
to the contrary. But that's a general statement; I'm not 
addressing Dr. Pearson specifically."
      When Roger Pearson first visited the U.S. in 1958, he 
didn't seem a likely candidate to receive White House favors. At 
the time he was the London-based organizer of the Northern 
League, [f-207] a white supremacist European organization that 
included former Nazi SS officials. The League was inclined toward 
Nordic, pre-Christian pagan culture. [f-208]
      Pearson's first American visit was arranged by  
magazine, edited by  Willis Carto. The magazine was an endorser 
of the American Nazi Party. [F-209]  called 
Pearson "the world's foremost spokesman for the scientific and 
forward looking view of nationalism. He is held in renown by 
white nationalists the world over." [F-210]
      Pearson moved to the U.S. in 1965, merging his magazine 
 with a Willis Carto publication to form , which Pearson edited for a short time. [F-211] The magazine 
had over two dozen racialists and anti-Semites on its masthead, 
including Austin App and C. M. Goethe, honorary president of the 
American Coalition of Patriotic Societies. [f-212] Pearson 
published four monographs in 1966 that represent the core of his 
ideas. One monograph, titled , was "based 
on Professor Hans F. K. Gunther's ." [F-213] Gunther was a top Third Reich 
racial theoretician and Pearson associate from the Northern 
League. [f-214]
      In , published in 1966, Pearson's 
writing reached the logical end of racial hatred:
     "If a nation with a more advanced, more specialized, or in 
any way superior set of genes mingles with, instead of 
exterminating, an inferior tribe, then it commits racial suicide. 
. . . [f-215]"
      Pearson's monographs are still offered by neo-Nazi 
booksellers today. [f-216]  quoted 
Pearson as saying "I'm not ashamed of anything I've said or 
written." [F-217]
      Pearson moved to Washington in 1975. Within a year his 
Council on American Affairs was sponsoring seminars and 
publishing monographs with persons such as Edwin Fuelner, 
president of the Heritage Foundation; Ray Cline, former C.I.A. 
deputy director; and others who would later become high officials 
of the Reagan Administration. [f-218] His Council also became the 
U.S. chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), an 
international network including fascists, followers of the 
authoritarian Korean cult-leader Rev. Sun Myung Moon, and 
neo-Nazis. [f-219]
      Pearson became the editor of the American Security 
Council's  [F-220] and 
served on the board of the ASC's American Foreign Policy 
Institute. [f-221] His  co-editors were James Jesus 
Angleton, former C.I.A. deputy director for counterintelligence, 
and Robert C. Richardson III, the retired Air Force general who 
worked in the Air Force's Politico- Military covert operations 
branch. At the time he was working with the ASC and Pearson, 
Richardson was also aiding the Wilson-Terpil operations to 
Libya, involving secret gunrunning and explosives transfers. He 
was also active in various ASC-spawned groups, such as the 
Security and Intelligence Fund and Coalition for Peace through 
Strength. The Council on American Affairs> is also a member of 
the Coalition for Peace Through Strength.
      Pearson was a member of the editorial board of , the monthly Heritage Foundation magazine, during this 
period. In 1977, Heritage officials reciprocated, joining 
Pearson's . When Pearson 
decided to host the 1978 World Anti-Communist League (WACL) 
conference in Washington, D.C., he was well established with 
American and European Nazi networks, as well as the far right 
of the Republican Party and the New Right. The WACL meeting 
was not a total success for Pearson, however. The  warned of "The Fascist Specter" behind WACL and 
highlighted the conference participation of an Italian fascist 
party, American neo-Nazis, and Pearson's own racialist 
background. [F-222] Pearson's name soon disappeared from 
the  masthead. However, ASC president John 
Fisher, who addressed the WACL meeting, [F-223] did not 
drop Pearson from the American Foreign Policy Institute board.
      In a sense, the Pearson-Heritage link wasn't severed 
either. Heritage's director for domestic issues, Stuart Butler, 
joined Pearson's , as did right-wing sociologist Ernest 
van den Haag of , who is on the editorial board 
of the Heritage Foundation's .
      When van den Haag was asked in 1984 about his Pearson 
association, he said he didn't remember the journal at first, but 
several minutes later insisted it wasn't a racist publication.
      Van den Haag is apparently not offended by a little 
racialism himself. "I support the voluntary sterilization 
proposals of  William Shockley," he volunteered in a 1984 
interview. Van den Haag wrote a monograph on the 1954 Supreme 
Court desegregation decision which argued that the decision was 
wrong. He has also claimed that Blacks are inferior to whites: "I 
am all in favor of improving the quality of education for all. 
But this can be done only if pupils are separated according to 
ability (whatever determines it). And this means very largely 
according to race." [f-224] Van den Haag's writings have been 
distributed for years by the International Association for the 
Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics (IAAEE), a racialist 
organization on whose executive board van den Haag served. [f-225]
       associate Stuart Butler simply insisted that 
Pearson was not a racist. Donald Senese, also associated with 
Pearson's  and a former Department of Education 
official, insisted that Pearson wasn't a racist, and that his 
monographs were written long ago. When he was told that Pearson 
continues to defend his writings, he said that "this interview 
isn't going anywhere," and hung up the phone. Pearson continues 
to publish a racialist journal, , which uses 
body and head measurements, such as the cephalic index, to 
identify "ideal types" among races. He also publishes the 
 through his Institute for 
the Study of Man. He maintained contact with European racialists 
not only through WACL, but also as a board member of , a French highbrow neo-Nazi group. [F-226]
      After the  story, Pearson's , which is co-published 
by George Mason University, added two officials of former 
Interior Secretary and New Right activist James Watt's 
>Mountain States Legal Foundation. [F-227] Pearson was 
elected to head University Professors for Academic Order (UPAO), 
a group that includes many members of the Heritage Foundation, 
the Reagan Administration and the Mont Pelerin Society. [f-228] 
The latter is a group of about 500 ultraconservatives whose best 
known economists, Milton Friedman and Friedrich von Hayek, were 
architects of the economy of Pinochet's Chile. Both advocated a 
form of dictatorship as part of the economic plan. Heritage 
Foundation president Edwin Fuelner is treasurer of the Society. 
Another board member of UPAO, white supremacist Ralph Scott, a 
former vice-president of DANK, [f-229] the Nazi-apologists, 
recently became head of UPAO. Scott, who has praised the book 
, [F-230] a white-supremacist 
discourse, was named to the Iowa Civil Rights Advisory Commission 
in 1981 by the Reagan Administration. Scott later become chair of 
the Iowa group, which advises the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, 
but stepped down in 1988 after an article by Barry Mehler in  revealed his background. [F-231] Scott and Pearson 
have also received tens of thousands of dollars from the Pioneer 
Fund, [f-232] which assists researchers attempting to prove Black 
inferiority. [f-233]
      One well-connected Pearson associate is Sam Crutchfield, 
who has been the attorney for the racialist IAAEE, for a number 
of Jesse Helms' organizations, and for Pearson's Institute for 
the Study of Man. [f-234] In addition to serving on the Editorial 
Advisory Board of a Pearson publication, Crutchfield, an 
attorney, set up the Institute for Democracy, Education and 
Assistance (IDEA) on behalf of Oliver North and his courier, 
Robert Owen. [f-235]
      Pearson has friends at the American Security Council, the 
Heritage Foundation, and among Reagan appointees, as well as 
several aides to Jesse Helms. [f-236] He is connected to a 
network of academic racialists in the U.S. and abroad. 
Long-established ties to Saudi Arabia, Korea, Taiwan and South 
America from his WACL days continue to serve him well. When the 
 article came out five weeks before the 
election, the White House decided to stick with Pearson. He was 
apparently still seen as part of the Reagan team.
      Senator  Alfonse D'Amato wrote a plank into the proposed 
1984 GOP platform denouncing "those who preach all forms of 
hatred, bigotry, racism and anti-Semitism." [f-237] A statement 
from his office added, "there should never be room for compromise 
on issues like this. . . .Racism and anti-Semitism must be 
condemned outright--without hesitation." [f-238] D'Amato declined 
all comment on the Pearson-White House ties.
      When George Bush denounced Walter Mondale a week before the 
1984 election as soft on anti-Semitism, no one looked at Reagan's 
ties to Roger Pearson, one of the foremost Nazi apologists in 
America and clearly one of the best-connected racialists in the world.
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     - The ASC and the World Anti-Communist League -
      The American Security Council not only has ties to the 
aggressively pro-military network warned of by Senator Fulbright, 
but ASC is also one of the key U.S. links to the World 
Anti-Communist League (WACL). The League, described extensively 
in a 1986 book, , is an umbrella group for 
Latin American death squad leaders, Hitler collaborators, 
followers of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, rightist dictatorships, 
and anti-Semitic activists, some of whom are connected to the 
quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. [F-239] As early as 1978 The 
 described the fascist and neo-Nazi elements 
affiliated with WACL. The  article carried the headline: 
"The Fascist Specter Behind The World Anti-Red League." 
[F-240] In 1984 the unsavory elements of WACL were 
detailed in a series of columns by Jack Anderson. [f-241] 
Alternative publications since 1978 have carried articles about 
the fascist and Nazi undercurrents in WACL. [f-242]
      Despite this journalistic record, when the World 
Anti-Communist League was named in the "Iran Contragate" 
congressional hearings into the Contra supply networks of Oliver 
North, not one major news outlet reported the fascist 
constituencies within WACL or the leading role played in WACL by 
followers of Sun Myung Moon.
      Moon, of course, is no friend of democracy. He is a 
theocratic authoritarian who considers himself the Son of God and 
the new Messiah. Moon and his many front organizations have long 
been used by the Korean CIA as a lobbying and propaganda vehicle 
to advance the twin goals of maintaining high levels of U.S. 
military and economic aid, despite successive repressive regimes 
in South Korea and the continued presence of U.S. armed forces in 
South Korea. Moon's organizations have supported WACL financially 
and have helped solidify cooperation between WACL and members of 
the American political right wing. [f-243]
      Since 1970 there have been three organizations that have 
served as the U.S. branch of WACL. All three are in the ASC's 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength:
     *** {The American Council for World Freedom} was, from 1970 
to 1975, WACL's U.S. affiliate. Composed of 35 U.S. groups, it 
was formed at the urging of Taiwan. Its first chairman was ASC's 
John Fisher. [f-244]
     *** {The Council on American Affairs} was the second U.S. 
branch of WACL from 1975 to 1980. It was chaired by racialist 
Roger Pearson, who had strong ASC links throughout that period.
     *** {The U.S. Council for World Freedom} (USCWF) was formed 
in 1981 by retired Major General John Singlaub. It immediately 
became the third group to serve as the U.S. branch of WACL. While 
Singlaub was Field Education director for the ASC for the next 
three years, he cultivated USCWF and personal contacts abroad.
      Singlaub attended the August, 1981 WACL meeting in Taiwan. 
[f-245] On June 25, 1982 he told the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of 
Nations (ABN) [described in detail later in this report] meeting 
in Munich, Germany that it was his "objective to organize all 
anti-communist forces in the world, so as to not only contain 
this communist threat, but to bring about its final and 
{unequivocal demise}" [emphasis in the original], according to a 
paraphrased remark in an ABN periodical. [f-246] In 1984, 
Singlaub assumed the role of Chairman of the World Anti-Communist League.
      Although Singlaub began devoting his time to WACL, he kept 
the ASC briefed on his activities. Fisher served on the USCWF 
advisory board and Singlaub served on three ASC boards. The ASC 
is also one of 17 member organizations of the Coalition for World 
Freedom, the political action arm of the U.S. Council for World 
Freedom. At the 1984 WACL conference the ASC was also represented 
by Sam Dickens, who sat on a Contra aid panel. Another panel, 
concerned with aiding UNITA in Angola, reached the conclusion it 
was advisable to consult with Fisher on the best way to proceed 
with pressuring Gulf/Chevron Oil out of Angola. Other ASC leaders 
also participated in the WACL meeting.
      WACL was considered an important vehicle for Reagan's 
Central America policy. The White House sent warm greetings to 
the 1984 meeting in San Diego. [f-247] A U.S. military honor 
guard was also provided, as had been the case with other USCWF 
events in previous years. The White House sent R. Lynn Rylander, 
Deputy Director of the International Security Agency in the 
Pentagon, who kept the White House briefed on events as the 
meeting progressed. [f-248] His boss, Neal Koch, served as the 
Pentagon's representative on a panel coordinating assistance to 
the Contras, in concert with Oliver North. 
      At the 1984 WACL meeting, Singlaub announced the launching 
of the private aid campaign for the Contras. WACL, he declared, 
was going to lead efforts around the world on behalf of the 
Contra cause.
      Singlaub planned to approach the Taiwan and South Korean 
dictatorships for Contra aid. The  reported that 
Singlaub told Congress that Assistant Secretary of State Abrams 
had "told him not to make the request, explaining that it would 
be made instead `at the highest level,' which Singlaub said he 
believed meant the White House." Holly Sklar, in her book 
, cites testimony from the 
Iran-Contra hearings and concludes that Singlaub did approach 
both Taiwan and South Korea for Contra aid and then passed those 
contacts on to Oliver North. [F-249] Both Taiwan and South 
Korea have historically assumed leadership roles and provided 
substantial funds for WACL, as has the Saudi Arabian monarchy.
      The Canadian branch of WACL, the Canadian Freedom 
Foundation, headed by John Gamble, works closely with the U.S. 
Council for World Freedom (USCWF) and Singlaub. Together USCWF 
and the Canadian Freedom Foundation form the North American 
Regional unit of WACL (NARWACL). Gamble and Singlaub alternate as 
chair of NARWACL. Gamble was implicated in the Iran-Contra 
funding network when a firm for which he served as treasurer and 
director, Vertex Investments, was discovered to have invested in 
the arms sale to Iran through two of his partners. The Canadian 
Freedom Foundation (CFF) and Vertex both operate out of Gamble's 
law office. [f-250]
      At least two CFF leaders are active anti-Semites: Pat Walsh 
is the Canadian correspondent for the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby 
newspaper the  [F-251] and Paul Fromm helped 
found the neo-Nazi Western Guard. [f-252]
      The Western Guard is led by John Ross Taylor, who served 51 
months in detention for pro-Nazi activities during WWII. [f-253] 
Taylor also leads Canadian contingents to Aryan Nations meetings, 
including a commemoration of the deaths of members of The Order, 
a paramilitary offshoot of Aryan Nations that engaged in 
robberies and murder in its effort to overthrow the U.S. 
Government. [f-254]
      Shortly after the 1984 WACL conference, the National 
Security Council recommended that Reagan approve a plan that made 
Singlaub "the chief `authorized' contact for private fund 
raising," according to the Associated Press. His selection, due 
to "his military background and international connections," was 
verbally approved by President Reagan. [f-255]
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     - Ukrainian Nationalism and Nazi Collaboration -
      In 1983, the White House proved that a Nazi whose 
organization collaborated with SS units and mass murder, and who 
helped maintain a Nazi organization for four decades, can still 
be an honored guest of the President. [f-256]
      Yaroslav Stetsko was the source of that lesson. Stetsko, 
who died in July 1986, worked with intelligence agencies of Nazi 
Germany, and briefly established himself as a pro-Nazi premier of 
the Ukraine under German military occupation. [f-257]
      The Ukraine, now a Republic of the Soviet Union, is an 
Eastern European region of lush farmland that has a long history 
of nationalist fervor. During the rise of European fascism after 
World War I, some Ukrainian nationalist groups tied their hopes 
to fascism as an ideology, and then collaborated with Hitler and 
Nazism in World War II.
      One Ukrainian nationalist group was the Organization of 
Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) which split into two organizations: 
a less militant wing, led by Andrew Melnyk and known as OUN-M, 
and the extremist group of Stepan Bandera, known as OUN-B. The 
Nazis preferred the radical nationalist OUN-B. [f-258] During the 
German military occupation, the Ukraine witnessed terrible 
atrocities against Jews and other groups targeted by Nazi 
policies. The OUN-B organized military units that participated in 
these atrocities. With the collapse of the Third Reich, many 
Ukrainian collaborationists fled their homeland.
      After the war, the Organization of Ukrainian 
Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B), a clandestine group financed in 
part by German intelligence and led by Stetsko, accelerated its 
work in the West. A secretive group, OUN-B's tracks are difficult 
to follow. "You have to understand. We are an underground 
organization. We have spent years quietly penetrating positions 
of influence," explained an OUN-B member who insisted on 
anonymity. The positions of influence under discussion were 
Reagan Administration appointments. All of the OUN-B's key 
Administration contacts were through an organization called the 
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), headquartered in 
New York City.
      The UCCA is described as heavily influenced but not totally 
controlled by the OUN-B. Supposedly an umbrella organization of 
Ukrainian-American groups, there are groups within UCCA that are 
complete OUN-B fronts. [f-259]
      The White House had looked favorably on the Ukrainian 
Congress Committee of America, appointing its chairman, Lev 
Dobriansky, Ambassador to the Bahamas in 1983. Dobriansky is a 
longtime ASC official. His daughter Paula was put on the National 
Security Council.  George Nesterczuk, former director of the 
Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS), which is the 
Washington, D.C. affiliate of the UCCA, was appointed deputy 
director of the Office of Personnel Management. In 1984 he became 
Deputy Director of the U.S. Information Agency. [f-260]
      In 1984, Bohdan Futey, head of the Cleveland branch of the 
UCCA and a Republican Heritage Groups Council activist, was 
appointed head of the U.S. Foreign Claims Commission. [f-261] 
Futey and Nesterczuk are described as the contact points between 
the OUN-B and the White House. [f-262] The top OUN-B leader for 
external affairs in the United States is Bohdan Fedorak, who also 
chairs the Southeast Michigan UCCA branch. He maintains contacts 
with Futey and Nesterczuk. It was through this network that 
arrangements were made for Reagan to make a campaign stop in 
October, 1984 at the Ukrainian Cultural Center in the Detroit 
suburb of Warren, Michigan. [f-263] The Center is headed by 
Fedorak, who has been a delegate to WACL conferences for many 
years as a lieutenant of the Stetskos. [f-264]
      In 1985 the UCCA's Committee on Foreign Affairs, chaired by 
Fedorak, continued pressing Congress against the Office of 
Special Investigations, the Justice Department unit charged with 
bringing action against suspected Nazi war criminals and 
collaborators in the United States. Futey and Nesterczuk are also 
members of that committee. [f-265] Such agitation on behalf of 
suspected war criminals and mass murderers did not deter the 
State Department's Committee for Security and Cooperation in 
Europe (CSCE) from working with the National Captive Nations 
Committee, co-sponsoring a series of hearings on human rights 
problems in the Soviet Union in June, 1986. [f-266]
      The Captive Nations Committee is essentially an OUN-B front 
that operates out of the UNIS office in Washington, D.C. It has 
local affiliates around the country (Fedorak chairs the Detroit 
committee), but the UNIS office told an interviewer that the 
National Captive Nations Committee had been inactive. Committee 
literature available in the office was at least four years old. 
No current board of directors was available. A UNIS employee 
considered it a paper organization. The hearings held jointly by 
the State Department and Captive Nations in Detroit were hosted 
by Fedorak at his Ukrainian Cultural Center. [f-267]
      The UCCA is also a member of ASC's Coalition for Peace 
Through Strength. Like so many elements of the Coalition and the 
American Security Council, it is networked into the World 
Anti-Communist League (WACL). The masthead of the UCCA's 
 lists several representatives from Taiwan 
and Korea, both major funders of WACL. [F-268]
      Wherever the OUN-B has political involvement, the UCCA 
seems to be its representative. In the U.S. Council for World 
Freedom, chaired by Singlaub, the OUN-B is represented by 
Secretary-General Walter Chopiwskyj (who has also organized the 
Republican Heritage Groups Council in Arizona and is president of 
the national Captive Nations Committee). [f-269] The only public 
indication of the OUN-B presence in the UCCA is in the U.S. 
Council for World Freedom's political arm, the Coalition for 
World Freedom, of which the UCCA is a member. [f-270] The Council 
is the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League, in which 
the Stetskos play a major role. [f-271]
      The UCCA has also played a leading role in opposing federal 
investigations of suspected Nazi war criminals since those 
queries got underway in the late 1970's. [f-272] Some UCCA 
members have many reasons to worry--reasons which began in the 1930's.
      Even before Hitler came to power, the German Nazi Party was 
seeking and working with like-minded political groups around the 
world. By the time the Nazis came to power, the OUN was one group 
that received money and training from Germany. [f-273] The OUN-B 
was not only an instrument to aid Hitler's war aims against the 
Soviet Union, but also to serve his intelligence agencies in the 
United States.
      There are Ukrainian communities within most large urban 
population centers in the United States. In the 1930's, German 
military intelligence worked with the OUN as it established and 
financed a variety of front organizations to provide cover for 
propaganda and espionage activities in the United States. In each 
city with a Ukrainian community, the OUN established cells. The 
great majority of Ukrainian-Americans had no idea of the OUN 
agenda. Newspapers and organizations were taken over--one such 
newspaper even printed instructions on how to make a homemade 
      According to , a 1942 book on Axis spy and 
sabotage operations in the U.S., the OUN was "set up under the 
supervision of the Intelligence Department of the German War 
Office." Other authors argue that the OUN was not controlled by 
>German Intelligence to this extent, although OUN's military and 
financial links to the Nazis are not in dispute. One U.S. Army 
captain who got involved in stealing military secrets for the 
OUN lost his commission. [F-274]
      By far the greatest crimes of the Ukrainian nationalists 
were against other Ukrainians. The OUN-B internalized the 
ideology of their Nazi mentors, which included viewing the world 
in terms of racial nationalism. "Nationalism is based on 
feelings, which are carried by the racial blood," was the way one 
OUN-B publication explained their views on the subject. [f-275] 
In John Armstrong's , OUN-B's views are 
described as having "tended to drive the movement still further 
in the direction of deification of the mystic concept of the 
nation, even to the point of racism." [f-276] For those judged 
not to be pure Ukrainians, this meant trouble.
      That trouble rolled in on the treads of German tanks in the 
Ukraine in June, 1941. Stetsko and German-commanded OUN-B militia 
arrived in the city of Lwow (Lvov) with them. [f-277] Stetsko 
declared a short-lived Ukrainian government, with himself as 
premier, pledged to fight as an ally for Hitler's "New Order."
     In , Lucy Dawidowicz writes 
that "In Lwow, the Germans and Ukrainians, in house to house 
hunts for Jews, shot them randomly on the spot." [F-278] 
She noted that later "the Ukrainians staged massive pogroms, 
slaughtering thousands and carrying off other thousands of Jews 
to [the German]  headquarters." [f-279] A 
concentration camp was also built in Lwow. An estimated 900,000 
Jews disappeared from the Ukraine during the German occupation. 
[f-280] Heavy persecution of Poles also took place in this 
region, mirroring the German policy in Poland.
      Militias and military units led by the OUN-B were involved 
with these crimes. [f-281] Although Stetsko was under an 
"honorary arrest" by the Germans because the creation of the 
Stetsko regime hadn't been cleared by Berlin, he was still active 
in OUN-B affairs and was even allowed to travel. [f-282]
      Ever the Nazi ally, Stetsko was released from his arrest 
near the end of the war to help organize resistance to the Soviet 
offensive that was rolling the German army back. The headlong 
retreat of the Germans began after their defeat at Stalingrad at 
the end of 1942. In 1943, the Germans inspired their 
collaborators from the Ukraine, Bulgaria, Byelorussia and the 
Baltic countries to form a Committee of Subjugated Nations to 
coordinate resistance activity against the Soviet army. [f-283]
      The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America chooses to 
ignore the Ukrainian collaboration with the extermination of 
Poles and Jews. A 1984 article in their  
praised Pavlo Shandruk, who was the Ukrainian General (under 
the Division's Commander-in-Chief German General Fritz Freytag) 
of the 14th Waffen SS Galician Division during the final days 
of the war.
     The Galician division was renamed the First Ukrainian 
Division of the Ukrainian National Army in April, 1945--two 
weeks before the German surrender. The Division remained under 
complete German military control during WWII. [F-284] 
The Veterans of the First Ukrainian Division is a group member of 
the UCCA. [f-285]
      When the Stetskos visited the White House on July 19, 1983, 
Reagan told them that "Your struggle is our struggle. Your dream 
is our dream." [f-286] The Stetskos' dream, however, does not 
represent an alteration of their wartime goals. Slava Stetsko, 
for instance, wrote a forward to a book, , which 
offered a glossary of definitions of political terms:
     "Anti-Semitism: A smear word used by Communists against 
those who effectively oppose and expose them."
     "Fascist: An anti-Communist."
     "Nazi or Hitlerite: An active anti-Communist.[f-287]"
      Slava Stetsko, who is the editor of ABN and OUN-B 
publications, described the book as "objective, factual" and 
"highly recommended." [f-288]
      Further, the OUN-B "dream" includes a racial conception. 
Although it passes itself off as an anti-communist organization, 
its primary belief is anti-Russian. [f-289] As an OUN-B member 
described it: "The problem isn't 70 years of Communism, it's 300 
years of Russian imperialism." [f-290] Thus, Russian 
anti-communists are also seen as the enemy. Russians are not 
allowed to be part of the ABN, Captive Nations Committee, or 
World Anti-Communist League.  says that "the 
Russian character" is to blame "for this overwhelming Russian 
desire for power, for expansion, for dictatorship." [f-291] 
Nicolas Nazarenko, the Cossack Republican organizer says, 
"Russian communists and anti-communists are all the same to me."[f-292]
      The  Ukrainian nationalists see a Ukrainian state under 
their control as having "ethnographic borders," as was originally 
proclaimed by a OUN-B Manifesto in December, 1940. [f-293] Put 
more simply, the OUN-B sees Ukrainians as a separate, 
classifiable race that have a right, when in power, to exclude 
others from the Ukraine's borders. The realities of that 
formulation were made bloodchillingly clear to the Poles and Jews 
in the region when the OUN-B had temporary power six months after 
the Manifesto was issued.

     - The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, the White House, and the ASC -

      The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), which took its
current name in 1946, claims direct descent from the Committee of
Subjugated Nations, which was formed in 1943 by Hitler's allies,
including the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and
the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA).

      Nonetheless, while the name changed, the membership
remained the same. The dominant leadership of the ABN came from
the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian
Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B). The ABN brought together fascist
forces from Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, the Ukraine, the Baltic
states, Slovakia and other nations. Today ABN unites fascist
emigre organizations from Eastern and Central Europe under one
umbrella. It serves as a common milieu in which many Coalition
for Peace Through Strength members associate and network. It is
also the Eastern European branch of the World Anti-Communist League.

      A booklet published in 1960 by the ABN acknowledged its
members' alliance with Hitler: "That many of us fought on the
German side against Russian imperialism and Bolshevism, was in
our national interest. . .the fact that some of us fought on the
German side against Russia can be justified from the national,
political and moral point of view." [f-294]

      The ABN in more recent years has maintained the impression
that they opposed the Nazis and Soviets simultaneously during
World War II. This historically dubious impression is conveyed by
the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) that leads ABN.
But other groups that make up the ABN do not bother with an
anti-Hitler pretense.

      Other ABN affiliates include:

     *** {Slovak World Congress}. A successor organization to
the Nazi-allied Tiso regime of Slovakia. The Congress is part of
the Republican Heritage Groups Council and the Coalition for
Peace Through Strength.

     *** {Bulgarian National Front}. The exiled successor group
to the Hitler-allied Bulgarian Legion. A member of the Coalition
for Peace Through Strength and part of the Republican Heritage
Groups Council.

     *** {Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania}. Its
American branch, the Lithuanian-American Council, is a member of
the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. The head of the Detroit
branch of the Council, Algis Barauskas, who is also a local
Republican Heritage Groups Council activist, linked the
Lithuanian Republicans to the ABN. He stated in a 1985 interview
that the Lithuanian-American Republican National Federation is
connected to "the Lithuanian-American Council, then to the
Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania, to the ABN in Germany."

     *** {World Federation of Free Latvians}. A member
organization of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength, the
federation has branches in six countries. Its U.S. branch, the
American Latvian Association, is active in the campaign against
the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations,
discussed in the next section. The book 
describes the ABN Latvian affiliate as "a band of Latvian leaders
who assisted the Nazis in exterminating the Jews of their
Baltic homeland." [F-295]

     *** {Croatian Liberation Movement}.  A pro-Ustashi affiliate
of the ABN. This group's leadership came from officials of the
German-created Croatian Ustashi regime of 1941-44. [f-296] It was
this regime that killed an estimated 750,000 Serbians, Gypsies
and Jews. The Croatian Liberation Movement, a front for the
post-War clandestine Ustashi, has been connected to bombings,
hijackings and assassinations in the 1970's. [f-297]

     *** {Byelorussian Central Council}. The Nazi puppet
government in exile. The Council is linked to both the Republican
Heritage Groups Council and the Coalition for Peace Through
Strength through the Council's American branch, the
Byelorussian-American Association.

     *** {Romanian Liberation Movement}. The Romanian affiliate
of ABN and the World Anti-Communist League. Its leader for many
years, Horia Sima, was also the head of the Romanian Iron Guard
following WWII. Sima could hardly claim to have fought the Nazis
and Soviets simultaneously, since he was released by the Germans
from house arrest to head a Romanian puppet government-in-exile.
It was set up by the Germans in Vienna in 1944, immediately after
the Romanian government abandoned the Axis and sued for peace
with the Allies. As head of the government, Sima formed Romanian
military units which fought on Germany's behalf on the Eastern
Front from 1944-45. Sima's government-in-exile was disbanded nine
days after Hitler's death. [f-298]

      The head of foreign affairs for the Romanian organization
under Sima is Alexander Ronnett of Chicago, a long time Iron
Guard commander, and delegate to WACL meetings for 16 years. His
association with the Iron Guard goes back to at least WWII when
he lived with Iron Guard members in a German controlled military
encampment. [f-299]

      Consistent with the goals of the World Anti-Communist
League and the American Security Council, Ronnett has organized
Contra support activities in the Chicago area. Exposed as an Iron
Guard Leader by Chicago NBC affiliate WMAQ-TV (see Appendix),
Ronnett denounced his accusers, and said proudly that he had
received frequent invitations to visit the White House due to his
support for and organizing on behalf of the Contras. [f-300]

      The ABN is the high council for the expatriate nationalist
groups that formed the police, military and militia units that
worked with Hitler during World War II. Some were organized as
mobile killing teams that exterminated villages and sought to
murder whole ethnic, racial, and cultural groups. These mobile
killing teams are the forerunners of the modern death squad. It
is consistent, then, that the Latin American Anti-Communist
Confederation (CAL) (for many years the Latin American branch of
WACL) has a great affinity for the ABN and its members, according
to several ABN members. CAL historically has served as an
umbrella group for the regional death squads. [f-301]

      A meeting of the youth sections of CAL and ABN in 1983 took
place in Fedorak's Ukrainian Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan.
The resulting 16-point resolution bore statements that might
surprise some of their conservative U.S. supporters. Not only
were the usual anti-communist sentiments expressed, but also
anti-capitalist positions were taken. One point, for instance,
called for "rejection of {all materialist {doctrines} (author's
emphasis) which defile the human individual by treating people as
egotistical, covetous and selfish beings. . . ." [f-302] The
resolution called for a "faith in Revolutionary, liberation
nationalism. . ." and "unbending opposition to collectivist
slavery, against communist and capitalist alienation of human
labor. . . ." [f-303]

      These formulations mirror the classic outlines of National
Socialism, which simultaneously fought the Communist and Western
Capitalist powers ideologically and militarily. The Third Way,
rejecting East and West, is still a position taken by significant
elements of the contemporary neo-Nazi movement. [f-304]

      The Stetskos were not only leaders of OUN but the
multi-ethnic ABN as well. The July-August, 1983 ABN bulletin  carries several cover photos which show the
Stetskos and other ABN leaders as White House guests in July
1983, personally meeting with Reagan, George Bush and Jeane Kirkpatrick.

      After the Stetskos visited the White House, Yaroslav
Stetsko's wife Slava Stetsko, who lives in Munich, West Germany,
called on the ABN to support Reagan's re-election. She carried
that message to ABN chapters during 1984 as well. [f-305] The
Reagan campaign cooperated with ABN, including scheduling an
appearance by Michael Sotirhos, head of Ethnic Voters for
Reagan-Bush Campaign 1984 as well as the Republican Heritage
Groups Council, at the 1984 ABN conference in New York City. [f-306]

      The goal of the ABN is to pressure the U.S. government
toward a "liberation" policy aimed against the USSR, with ABN
leaders as the liberators. Although ABN members say they only
need technical assistance from the West, they want the U.S.
military to put them in power in Eastern Europe and the USSR.
This is the formula they tried under German Nazi sponsorship.
Their manipulations of the American political system are toward
that end.

      The emigres of the ABN still dream of one more chance to
create a new order in Europe. They even got Michigan Republican
Congressman Paul Henry to enter a statement into the
 in July, 1986 commending the
"independence" of the Ukraine under Stetsko in 1941.

      According to Henry, "a representative assembly of the most
prominent Ukrainian leaders from all walks of life issued a
Proclamation of the Restoration of Ukrainia's Independence. .
..The proclamation received enthusiastic support of the Ukrainian
people." Henry referred to the "freedom fighters" of the
"Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), led by Stepan
Bandera." When questioned about his praise for a document which
included the line "Glory to the Heroic German Army and its
Fuhrer, Adolph Hitler," a spokesperson for Henry said he'd "not
been aware of the fine print. . . ." [f-307]

      On July 20, 1988, George Bush reaffirmed the ties between
the Republican Party and the ABN by making a campaign stop at
Fedorak's Ukrainian Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan. Bush
delivered a hard-line foreign policy speech to those attending
the annual Captive Nations banquet sponsored jointly by the
Captive Nations Committee and the ABN. Sharing the dais with
Fedorak and Bush was Katherine Chumachenko, formerly the director
of the UCCA's Captive Nations Committee and currently the Deputy
Director for Public Liaison at the White House. Ignatius M.
Billinsky, President of UCCA, had already been named named
Honorary Chair of Ukrainians for Bush, and Bohdan Fedorak named
National vice-chair of Ukrainians for Bush.

      Also on the dais at the Ukrainian Cultural Center Bush
speech was Dr. Joseph Sazyc, who has led the Byelorussian-
American Veterans Association for twenty years. While the group's
name suggests its members were veterans of U.S. military service,
the group includes Nazi collaborators. According to a 1948 U.S.
intelligence report, the Byelorussian-American Veterans
Association was originally formed in 1947 by Nazi collaborators
at a German displaced persons camp. The leader of the group was
former SS Major General Franz Kushel, described in the first
section of this report. [f-308]

     - The Campaign Against OSI -
      At the July, 1988 Captive Nations banquet in Michigan, Vice 
President Bush was introduced by  Bohdan Fedorak [see photo], 
whose brief comments included a strong denunciation of the U.S. 
Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations (OSI). Bush 
nodded his agreement and applauded the comment.
      There is perhaps no current issue which sets the emigre 
fascist network apart from mainstream American society more than 
the campaign against the Office of Special Investigations.
      The OSI was established by a 1978 act of Congress to 
discover and deport Nazi war criminals who entered the U.S. after 
World War II. Almost immediately the  
(published by the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America) 
denounced OSI, as did the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby and the 
neo-fascist Lyndon LaRouche organization. Soon the 
Lithuanian-American Council, the American Lithuanian Community 
and the Joint Baltic American National Committee--all members of 
the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength--joined in the 
anti-OSI campaign. Other Coalition for Peace Through Strength 
groups that actively opposed the OSI pursuit of Nazi 
collaborators were the Byelorussian-American Association, 
Congress of Russian-Americans and the World Federation for a Free 
Latvia. [f-309]
      While some organizations claimed they only opposed the 
methods employed by OSI, others called for its abolition. The 
specific method used by OSI which drew the sharpest criticism 
concerned the use of evidence from Soviet citizens, archives and 
prosecutors. Even though such evidence is independently 
scrutinized and tested by the U.S. government and must meet U.S. 
rules of evidence in court, the anti-OSI groups call it "KGB 
evidence" without offering any proof of their own to back up that 
assertion. All of the above groups claim there is an "OSI/KGB 
partnership." [f-310] None of the groups has supported the legal 
proceedings against even one suspected war criminal, even when 
the accused has publicly confessed his crimes. The charges of KGB 
plots, according to the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 
appear to be a "propaganda smokescreen that seeks to exploit 
anti-communism," in an attempt to stop the OSI investigations and 
legal proceedings. [f-311]
      Right-wing groups such as Accuracy in Media and individuals 
such as former Reagan advisor Patrick Buchanan and writer Joseph 
Sobran have joined in the anti-OSI campaign.
      A New Hampshire organization, the American Freedom Company, 
which publishes a periodical called , began anti-OSI 
activity as early as 1982. [F-312] The group is a member 
organization of the Coalition for World Freedom, the political 
arm of Singlaub's U.S. Council for World Freedom. [f-313]
      The emigre fascists have employed a variety of methods to 
protect those charged with war crimes and to stop the OSI 
investigations. These methods include lobbying Congress and the 
White House, urging their respective ethnic communities not to 
cooperate with government investigators, and in some cases, 
employing increasingly anti-Semitic propaganda and historical 
revisionism which denies the facts of the Nazi Holocaust.
      The Lithuanian-American Council (LAC) is an example of a 
group that practices the latter technique. In 1979 the Council 
published a book that blamed the Germans and the Jews but not the 
Lithuanians (other than a few "irresponsible Lithuanians with 
criminal inclinations") for the annihilation of Lithuanian Jews. 
[f-314] A 1986 book distributed by the LAC suggests that Jews 
brought persecution on themselves, [f-315] while another 
LAC-distributed book (available by mail order from LAC or from 
the literature rack at their offices in Chicago) praises 
pre-Christian, pagan Lithuania. [f-316] The 1975 book, by Charles 
Pichel (see Order of St. John in Part 2) says that "Christianity 
has failed her [Lithuania] miserably and as a result, many 
Samogitians [Lithuanians] have turned to ancient, pagan 
prophecies as a guide and hope for their future." [f-317]
      Why the Lithuanian-American Council promotes a brand of 
paganism used as the basis for the racialist beliefs of Nordic 
chauvinists ranging from Nazi Heinrich Himmler to racialist Roger 
Pearson is in itself unclear, but then the Lithuanian-American 
Council has never acknowledged--much less condemned--the brutal 
Lithuanian Greywolves organization and Lithuanian police units 
that actively pursued the German Nazi policy of exterminating 
Jews, Russians and political opponents of the German military 
occupation in that region.
      While these emigre organizations concern themselves with 
issues other than OSI, several groups have been formed for the 
specific purpose of stopping OSI's investigation and deportation 
of war criminals. One of these groups, the Coalition for 
Constitutional Justice and Security (CCJS), is a member of the 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength. It has called for a 
suspension of OSI activities and the "initiation of public 
inquiries into possible links between OSI, FBI, KGB, extremeist 
[sic] groups." [f-318] CCJS is led by Anthony and Danute Mazeika, 
who helped arrange the 1986 Republican Heritage Groups Council 
Annual Convention in Los Angeles.
      The CCJS has also claimed that recent bombings which 
targeted two accused war criminals living in the U.S. were "a 
direct result of the Justice Department's lack of control of the 
Office of Special Investigations' method of operation. . . ." [f-319]
      Intense emotions and rhetoric have accompanied the anti-OSI 
efforts. The World Jewish Congress has charged that the 
motivating factor behind such activity is "the fear that the 
Justice Department's prosecutors are exposing the American public 
to the historical facts that Hitler's annihilation of six million 
Jews was carried out not by the Germans alone, but rather with 
the extensive collaboration of Lithuanians, Latvians, Ukrainians, 
Estonians, and other Europeans." [f-320]
      Various fascist emigre elements have, over the years, 
attempted to present themselves as advocates of human rights and 
champions of persecuted minorities. Being identified with Nazi 
campaigns of murder does not lend credibility to their assertions 
when they make their public presentations in forums ranging from 
the Helsinki Human Rights Review to local U.S. rallies endorsed 
by Congressional representatives and the President of the United States.
      Given the claimed patriotic purpose of the American 
Security Council, it makes little sense why the Coalition for 
Constitutional Justice and Security is a member of the ASC's 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength--especially since the 
primary purpose of the group is to shield accused Nazi war 
criminals from prosecution. One can also ask why the Republican 
National Committee remains indifferent when one of its 
components, the Republican Heritage Groups Council, opposes OSI.
     - Support for South Africa and Apartheid -
      When Jonas Savimbi, the head of the Union for the Total 
Independence of Angola (UNITA), met with President Reagan and 
Administration officials in a high profile, whirlwind tour of the 
Capital in January, 1986, it represented the success of a 
ten-year American Security Council effort to get recognition and 
funding for UNITA. Savimbi's Washington visit was hosted and 
coordinated by the American Security Council. [f-321]
      UNITA is a South African-allied military force attempting 
to take over the government of Angola. The government of Angola, 
which is unfriendly to the apartheid regime in South Africa, came 
to power in 1975, despite a major CIA effort that supported 
UNITA. [f-322] Since then, a virtual South African lobby has 
sprung up in American right-wing circles demanding a defense of 
the apartheid regime.
      "We first invited Savimbi to come to the U.S. in 1975," 
says ASC president John Fisher. "We paid for a plane to bring him 
here with a dozen staff from Africa. We set them up in a hotel 
for 10 days. We set up Congressional meetings." [f-323] Congress 
at the time was preparing to cut off aid to UNITA. The Clark 
Amendment was finally passed, which barred further aid to UNITA.
      The ASC began what it called a decade-long "educational 
campaign" to have the amendment repealed. In 1981, Savimbi again 
was an ASC guest at its Virginia estate, and meetings with "the 
Secretary of State [Alexander Haig] and numerous Congressional 
leaders" were arranged, according to an ASC newsletter. [f-324] 
With the repeal of the Clark amendment in 1985, ASC hosted a 
celebration with members of Congress and UNITA's Jeremias 
Chitunda, who said that "John Fisher has always been standing by 
us. . . ." [f-325]
      The effort to aid UNITA was so crucial to the ASC that they 
gave their 1986 "Distinguished Service Award" to Senator Bob Dole 
for his behind-the-scenes work on behalf of UNITA. Dole is now 
attempting to do the same for another South Africa-backed 
operation against Mozambique called RENAMO. [f-326] RENAMO has 
ties to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and its 
representatives spoke at the WACL 1984 and 1985 conferences.
      The ASC has worked with South Africa itself, and not just 
its proxies. In 1979 an ASC "fact-finding mission" visited South 
Africa, then-white supremacist Rhodesia, and South 
Africa-occupied Namibia. [f-327] The trip was funded and 
coordinated by the Southern African Freedom Foundation, which had 
been exposed the year before as a project secretly funded by the 
South African government. [f-328] Press coverage at the time 
identified Ray Ackerman, a Capetown businessman, as an architect 
of the SAFF. [f-329]
      The ASC praised Ackerman with "a special debt of thanks," 
for helping to raise the "funds needed for the project." Ian 
Smith, head of the white minority Rhodesian regime, had been a 
guest at the ASC estate near Boston, Virginia just months 
earlier. [f-330]
      Two months after the Reagan Administration came to power, 
the ASC hosted and coordinated the visit of five military 
intelligence officials from South Africa to the U.S., including 
the head of military intelligence. The Council arranged for them 
to meet with staff at the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency 
and the National Security Council. [f-331] Through Roger Pearson 
associate and Jesse Helms staffer Jim Lucier, meetings were 
arranged on Capitol Hill. [f-332] A meeting was also arranged 
with then-Ambassador to the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick. 
[f-333] Because South African military officials were supposed to 
be banned from U.S. visits, the intelligence officials were 
hurried out of the U.S. after six days of activity, including a 
two-day briefing for the ASC on Southern Africa. [f-334] Several 
days after the visit, then-Secretary of State Al Haig called for 
the repeal of the Clark Amendment. [f-335]
      Several member organizations of the Coalition for Peace 
Through Strength are also close to South Africa's apartheid 
regime. In 1983, for instance, Jack Abramoff went to South Africa 
as chairman of the College Republican National Committee to begin 
an ongoing relationship with the extreme right National Student 
Federation (NSF). The NSF noted this as a "grand alliance of 
conservative students. . .an alliance that would represent the 
swing to the right amongst the youth in America and Western 
Europe." [f-336] After an exchange of trips between College 
Republicans and South African student rightists, the College 
Republican National Council passed a resolution condemning 
"deliberate planted propaganda by the KGB," and "Soviet proxy 
forces" in Southern Africa, without mentioning apartheid or 
racism. [f-337] The National Student Federation, which says that 
72% of its funding comes from corporations, resolved out of these 
meetings "To inspire, focus and unite the national will. . .to 
achieve. . .`Peace Through Strength'." [f-338]
      Another Coalition for Peace Through Strength member, the 
Conservative Caucus (which is also part of the World 
Anti-Communist League), works directly with South African 
government officials.
      Caucus Chair Howard Phillips cosponsors trips to South 
Africa (at a $4,000 fee) which offer "confidential intelligence 
and financial briefings" and meetings "with the very highest 
officials of government, business, banking and the military in 
South Africa." Also promised are "military intelligence 
briefings." Ads for such trips are placed in John Birch Society 
publications. [f-339] The Conservative Caucus lobbies vigorously 
for UNITA and attempted to initiate a corporate campaign against 
Gulf Oil/Chevron for buying Angolan oil. [f-340]
      Phillips and Abramoff have both supported campaigns calling 
for the dismissal of Chester Crocker and George Shultz from the 
State Department because they are seen as insufficiently 
supportive of South Africa. [f-341] The "Dump Schultz" campaign 
grew out of a meeting of the Council for National Policy, [f-342] 
a secret membership group that has included Phillips, Abramoff, 
then-National Security Council officials Oliver North and John 
Lenczowski, WACL chair John Singlaub,  and many others with ASC 
interlocks. [f-343] CNP's secret quarterly meetings bring 
together right-wing funders (such as Joseph Coors) and foreign 
policy activists. [f-344] The June 1987 speaker was Richard 
Secord. [f-345] Secord was a major player in the Iran Contra-gate 
arms for hostages private network.
      Because the ASC and WACL have a shared history, leadership 
and political outlook, it seems appropriate to note one other 
South African connection to American rightists.
      Although it doesn't show up on the list of delegates at 
WACL conferences, WACL has a South African chapter. It has been 
headed for years by Ivor Benson, [f-346] who has also been the 
South African correspondent to  [F-347] 
the notoriously anti-Semitic newspaper published by the 
quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. Benson wrote a speech for the 1986 
meeting of the Institute for Historical Review, [f-348] an 
organization devoted to proving the Nazi Holocaust against Jews 
and others was a hoax. The Institute is the brainchild of Willis 
Carto, who also runs Liberty Lobby and . Benson was 
unable due to illness to attend the 1986 IHR conference, but his 
speech was delivered by a colleague (at the same IHR event 
attended by Dr. Ronnett). Benson's speech implied that South 
Africa's troubles were due to a Jewish conspiracy. [F-349]
      Like other friends of Liberty Lobby who are also members of 
WACL, Benson stays out of sight so as to not embarrass other 
African delegates. He has, however, addressed at least one 
meeting of North American WACL chaired by Gen. Singlaub. South 
Africa's main interest in WACL is to garner support for UNITA and 
RENAMO. Benson's direct and publicized presence could only hurt 
this effort at coalition- building, so he stays in the shadows.
Path: oneb!!destroyer!caen!uunet!olivea!sgigate!sgi!cdp!cberlet

     - Central America, Death Squads and the ASC -
      Much of Central America has been plagued by poverty, 
corruption and U.S.-backed dictatorships for most of this century.[f-350]
      In Nicaragua, the Somoza family had ruled from 1933 to 
1979. In the 1970's, a form of "crony capitalism" similar to that 
of former Philippines dictator Ferdinand Marcos also dominated 
the politics and economy of Nicaragua. Few prospered without the 
blessing of Anastasio Somoza. A small corrupt circle of wealthy 
landowners and National Guard leaders ruthlessly maintained their 
hold over Nicaragua.
      When the Somoza regime in Nicaragua collapsed and the 
Sandinista coalition came to power on July 19, 1979, the American 
Security Council was quick to respond. "The Marxist Threat to 
Central America" was the headline and sole topic of its 
newsletter, , August, 1979. It immediately 
formed a Task Force on Central America. "The goal of that Task 
Force is to be an energizing element within the Congress and 
within the two political parties that would seek to force the 
[Carter] Administration to correct its policies toward Central 
America." By which they meant, get rid of the Sandinistas.
      The ASC Task Force on Central America included a handful of 
retired generals, including John Singlaub, Daniel O. Graham, 
Richard Stillwell, Gordon Sumner, William P. Yarborough and 
Alexander Haig. Congressional members included Larry McDonald 
(D-GA), George Hansen (R-ID), John Murphy (D-NY), Bob Stump 
(R-AR), and Charles Wilson (D-TX). Retired Admiral Thomas Moorer, 
also of the Task Force, saw threats "all the way from Mexico down 
to the Cape of South America." [f-351]
      The ASC sought to make a popular issue out of Nicaragua for 
the 1980 elections, just as the Panama Canal issue had aided the 
Right for the previous four years. The film "Attack on the 
Americas" was produced in 1980, the first of three ASC films on 
Central America. It depicted all revolution as the result of KGB 
machinations rather than as responses to conditions in Central 
America itself. Even Florida was judged to be threatened.
      As the Task Force name implied, the ASC was interested in 
all of Central America, not just Nicaragua. In 1979, a delegation 
of ASC leaders went to Guatemala and met with rightists connected 
to the death squads there. The delegation, led by Graham and 
Singlaub, told the ruling Guatemala military that they would urge 
Reagan to resume aid to the military dictatorship, which Carter 
had terminated because of the military's death squad activity. An 
estimated 100,000 deaths resulted from the brutal pacification 
programs in rural Guatemala in the late 1970's and early '80's. 
After the ASC delegation briefed him, one Guatemalan official was 
quoted as saying he felt the message was clear, "Mr. Reagan 
recognizes that a good deal of dirty work has to be done." Within 
days of the ASC visit, there was a dramatic increase in death 
squad activity. [f-352]
      Latin America has death squads, active or dormant, from 
Mexico to Argentina. Most, if not all, are linked to military 
intelligence and police or national guard units. [f-353] They 
also have above-ground political organizations complementing 
their covert activity. These political organizations publicly 
advocate the most extreme measures against dissent within their 
respective countries. [f-354]
      The ties between the legal political organizations, death 
squads, the American Security Council and World Anti-Communist 
League can be found in several countries including El Salvador, 
Guatemala, and Argentina.
      Such was the case with the Argentine Anti-Communist 
Alliance (AAA) in the 1970's. It was an organization of 
right-wing murder, terror, and propaganda whose activity was 
coordinated with the military regime. [f-355] It was also the 
Argentine branch of the World Anti-Communist League.[f-356]
      Roberto D'Aubuisson, closely identified with the death 
squads of El Salvador, is affiliated with the ARENA party and he 
serves as that country's representative to WACL.
      During a 1981 trip to Washington, D.C., Roberto D'Aubuisson 
was an honored guest at an ASC conference, although D'Aubuisson 
had already been linked to El Salvadoran death squad activities, 
including the 1980 murder of Archbishop Oscar Romero. The purpose 
of the D'Aubuisson visit was to enhance his support in Congress. [f-357]
      The ASC also conducted an interview with D'Aubuisson in 
June of 1984 for its radio program that is broadcast into Latin 
America, and for the ASC newsletter. [f-358] A photo of ASC 
leader Samuel Dickens and D'Aubuisson still hangs on the ASC 
conference room wall. Dickens is a retired colonel who held 
various intelligence posts and headed the Air Force Directorate 
of Plans for the Western Hemisphere.
      In early 1987 the ASC also organized a Washington reception 
for Alfredo Christiani, D'Aubuisson's successor as head of the 
extreme right ARENA party. Over 150 attended the reception, 
according to the ASC. [f-359]
      As an ASC and World Anti-Communist League organizer, 
Singlaub also worked with D'Aubuisson. One mercenary magazine 
photo shows Singlaub and D'Aubuisson studying a military map in 
El Salvador. [f-360]
      Under Somoza in Nicaragua, the National Guard was the base 
of WACL. In Guatemala, Mario Sandoval Alarcon is the leader of 
the National Liberation Movement, a political party, as well as 
the leader of the death squads in that country. [f-361] He is 
also the Guatemalan representative to WACL.
      An official spokesman of the National Liberation Movement 
(MLN) glorified the violence of his movement in terms strikingly 
similar to those used by Mussolini:
     "I admit that the MLN is the party of organized violence. 
Organized violence is vigor, just as organized color is scenery 
and organized sound is harmony. There is nothing wrong with 
organized violence; it is vigor, and the MLN is a vigorous 
movement. [f-362]"
      The ASC view of death squads was probably best expressed by 
Neil Livingstone, whose Institute on Terrorism and Subnational 
Conflict  works out of the ASC offices. Often perceived as an 
opponent of terrorism, Livingstone wrote in , 
Winter 1983-84, that "the problem of human rights is genuinely 
bad in Guatemala and El Salvador. We should not wring our 
hands, however, over this problem." After giving a misleading 
explanation of the origins of death squads, Livingstone advocates 
their use because "they have helped more governments remain in 
power than they have harmed." He offers Argentina as an example. 
>Argentina is one country where the death squads embraced the swastika.
      Livingstone, who also serves on the ASC Foundation's 
Strategy Board, wrote in , (a monthly publication 
under the control of Rev. Sun Myung Moon), that "methods are 
needed that involve targeting individual terrorists and their 
leadership for assassination." [F-363] A box accompanying 
the article identifies such groups as the African National 
Congress and the ruling party of Zimbabwe as "terrorist." [f-364]
      Livingstone works with other Reagan Administration 
luminaries through his role with , whose editorial 
board includes Jeane Kirkpatrick and her husband Evron; as well 
as pro-Contra activists Penn Kemble and Joshua Muravchic.
      Livingstone's Institute also employed Robert Owen, Oliver 
North's courier in secret Contra-support operations. Owen, a 
former staffer of then-Senator Dan Quayle, met with a key Contra 
organizer of the southern front against Nicaragua, John Hull, in 
Quayle's office. According to the , "After a 
long talk about conditions in Central America, Mr. Owen escorted 
Hull to the White House, where he met Col. [Oliver] North. In 
August, 1983, Mr. Owen testified that he made his first trip to 
Central America, traveling to Costa Rica on a round-trip ticket 
provided by Mr. Hull." [F-365]
      North discussed the secret operation with Livingstone. 
[f-366] According to the , Livingstone's 
Institute received at least $75,000 from International Business 
Communications (IBC). IBC was part of the Oliver North network 
which funded various pro-Contra operations while working closely 
with Carl "Spitz" Channel's National Endowment for the 
Preservation of Liberty>. [F-367]
      The ASC's Director for Inter-American Affairs is Samuel 
Dickens. An associate of contra military commander Enrique 
Bermudez when they were on the Inter-American Defense Board in 
1976, Dickens says that in 1981, "I took him to meet people at 
the State Department and Defense Department, saying this is a 
man, these are the efforts that should be supported." [f-368]
      Dickens traveled in Honduras in 1981 "on the border of 
Nicaragua. . .meeting and really reviewing some of his forces." 
He adds that "the ASC is one of a number of organizations that 
put [Congressional funding for the contras] really high on the 
priority list of things to accomplish."
      Connected into the Latin American extreme right, Dickens 
believes in a hardline military policy toward the civil war in El 
Salvador. In 1985, he wrote an article for  that 
attacked El Salvadoran President Napoleon Duarte's gestures 
toward negotiations with the FDR opposition. Dickens claimed that 
"Many people in El Salvador consider the word `negotiations' to 
be a `bad word,' and with complete justification." He called 
advocates of negotiations "dreamers." [F-369] In 1985, in 
another article in , Dickens praised the founder of El 
Salvador's death squads as "the patriotic General Medrano," and 
called Medrano's critics "fools." [F-370]  is the 
magazine of the Tecos, a Mexican neo-Nazi group noted for 
bizarre anti-Semitism and for its longtime leadership of the 
Latin American affiliate of the World Anti-Communist League--an 
affiliate which served as the political umbrella of Latin 
America's death squads. [F-371]
      The same murderous policies pursued by the Romanian Iron 
Guard when it collaborated with Hitler are praised as appropriate 
and necessary by current ideologues in Latin America. The Iron 
Guard, for instance, appears to be allied with the Pinochet 
regime in Chile. Pinochet has personally met with Iron Guard 
leaders, and several Guardists proudly display photographs of 
themselves individually posing with Pinochet and his wife. In 
turn, Iron Guard propaganda, such as Alexander Ronnett's 
publication, , praises Chile, speaks of the "years of 
progress" under Pinochet, and expresses its hope "that other 
>nationalist governments will follow the example of President 
Pinochet." Pinochet is secretly funding WACL according to 
Ronnett. [F-372] That the Pinochet regime would ally 
itself with pro-Nazi elements was evident as early as 1974, when 
Chile's new ambassador to the United States met with Austin App 
and others to discuss improving Chile's image in the U.S. 
press. [f-373]
      In the introduction, by Dr. Dimitrie Gazdaru, to the 
English language translation of , by Iron 
Guard founder Codreanu, the policies of the Iron Guard are seen 
as having current application in Latin America:
     ". . .level-headed youth in several parts of the convulsed 
globe are now being guided more and more by the doctrine of the 
movement ideated by Codreanu. The most telling demonstration of 
this is the recent recognition of it by healthy-minded youth in 
Chile, whose spokesman, an eminent university professor, clearly 
declares that the anti-communist victory there has initiated 
posthumous victories for Corneliu Codreanu.[f-374]"
      The ideological training of many of the Latin American 
death squad members emphasizes the brutal tactics and theories of 
Mussolini and Hitler. Sometimes the connection is quite direct. 
For instance, after WWII, Third Reich collaborator Klaus Barbie 
actually continued to ply his gruesome trade in Bolivia as an 
advisor to the government-sanctioned death squads and a supporter 
of a 1980 pro-Nazi coup. [f-375] Some death squad members have 
openly sported swastikas.
      These are the groups Singlaub, WACL and the ASC work with 
internationally. The words may change from Counter-insurgency to 
Special Operations to Low-Intensity Conflict, but these are 
merely deceptive terms for what history calls war. As an advisor 
to the Contras, the Pentagon, Oliver North and others, Singlaub 
provides advice based on his own experience, including Operation 
Phoenix, a covert operation which employed cross-border raids, 
terrorism and assassination against Vietnamese civilians. [f-376] 
Now applying those lessons to aid the Contras, Singlaub declared 
on the Phil Donahue show that "my life has been dedicated to... 
low-intensity warfare." [f-377]

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