Copyright 2000 The Telegraph Group Limited SUNDAY TELEGRAPH(LONDON) January 30, 2000, Sunday http://www.nytimes.com/ Books: The fall of the Ottoman Empire Geoffrey Wheatcroft looks at the reasons behind the rapid disintegration of one of history's great powers By Geoffrey Wheatcroft Empires of the Sand: The Struggle for Mastery in the Middle East 1789-1923 by Efraim Karsh and Inari Karsh Harvard UP, pounds 18.50, 409 pp pounds 16.50 (free p&p) 0541 557222 A HUNDRED years ago, most of central and eastern Europe and adjacent Asia was covered by four great empires, German, Russian, Habsburg and Ottoman. While the German Empire stretched, as the national anthem said, from the Meuse to the Memel, and Austria-Hungary from the borders of Saxony to Transylvania, the Ottoman Empire had receded from its 17th-century high-water mark, when it had besieged Vienna. But it still ruled much of the Balkans as well as most of Araby, if one can usefully revive that term. Like its Habsburg and Tsarist rivals, Turkey was challenged by the national currents which had been running since the French Revolution. Nevertheless, at the turn of the last century, few foresaw that all four empires would have vanished within 20 years. That was true even of "the sick man of Europe", as Tsar Nicholas I had called Turkey. "The Eastern Question" in the 19th century had been not so much the decline of the Ottoman empire as the efforts by the European powers to keep the sick man alive, if only to prevent Russia dismembering the corpse. When the Ottoman empire finally did collapse, it seemed that this was the work of those powers, and the consequence of their Great War which began in 1914. In their new book, Empires of the Sand, Efraim and Inari Karsh tell the story of Turkish decline from Napoleon's own eastern adventure, and the first challenges by Greek and Egyptian separatists. And they argue that the final fall was not imposed - as other historians have claimed - by the great powers or cooked up by the schemes of Western imperialism. In effect they say that the Ottomans had it coming to them, and were the architects of their own fate. Part of the Karsh thesis speaks for itself. "Greed rather than necessity drove the Ottoman Empire into the First World War." But a sentence beginning with those first five words could describe very many episodes in the stories of very many countries. In the game of nations (as the authors might have said), all powers do the best they can for their interests as they perceive them. Sometimes they do so cleverly, sometimes stupidly, sometimes successfully, sometimes not. In 1914-15, it was by no means obvious that the war would be fought to a terrible finish and a disastrous outcome for the Central Powers. As much by good luck as nice judgment, Italy backed the winning side; as much by bad luck as poor judgment, Turkey backed the loser. Equally, to say that the destruction of the empire was "a disaster self-inflicted by a short-sighted leadership blinded by its imperial dream" could be just as well said of Willhelmine Germany. But those words are characteristic of the authors, who not only, and properly, present a catalogue of Ottoman misdeeds against Bulgars and Armenians, but cannot find a good word for anything the Porte ever did. If they disdain the Ottomans, they are even more contemptuous of Arabism and the attempt during the First World War by Ibn Ali Hussein to create a new empire of Araby. It didn't happen, and the authors have no difficulty in showing that Hussein was an untrustworthy rascal who tried to play off all sides against one another. And yet the ferocity with which he is denounced suggests axe-grinding. This contempt is highlighted by the uncritical spirit in which the Karshes write about that other extraordinary national movement known as Zionism. To say that "the Jews' longing for their ancestral homeland, or Zion, occupied a focal point in their collective memory for millennia" is far-fetched, at the least, especially when set against the statement that "there was no 'Arab Nation' at the time" the Ottoman empire fell. In truth, whether it was a bad idea or good, political Zionism - from its beginnings more than 100 years ago - was a pure example of an "invented tradition". It had no roots in existing Jewish tradition, of which it was a drastic rejection; why else did most Jews originally react to it with indifference or hostility? No doubt early Arab nationalists were trying to make the bricks of Arab nation-states without the straw of true Arab national consciousness. But then there is the very example of Zionism to show that this can be done. This is a fascinating book in its way, but I wasn't quite sure what that way was meant to be. Based on archival as as well as printed sources - in Turkish and Arabic besides European languages - it is doubtless learned; but the story is told in a style which, though it at first seems agreeably old-fashioned, soon becomes fusty or even hackneyed: "lull in the storm . . . fought tooth and nail . . . the seeds of change were sown . . . the writing on the wall . . . nail in the coffin". One of the first rules of studying history, a wise historian used to say, was to ask of any document why it was written. Perhaps the same question should sometimes be asked of history books. ###
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