From 104670.3420@compuserve.com Sat Sep 14 17:44:24 PDT 1996 Article: 65551 of alt.revisionism Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!noc.van.hookup.net!hookup!news.uoregon.edu!hunter.premier.net!news-peer.gsl.net!news.gsl.net!ix.netcom.com!tor-nn1.netcom.ca!news From: "Duncan Coons" <104670.3420@compuserve.com> Newsgroups: soc.history.medieval,israel.jewstudies,alt.revisionism,alt.messianic,alt.fan.jesus-christ,alt.bible.prophecy Subject: Re: the deciside charge aginst the jews Date: 14 Sep 1996 23:02:46 GMT Organization: Netcom Canada Lines: 154 Message-ID: <01bba298$a3a13380$4c615ecf@default> References:NNTP-Posting-Host: trt-on12-12.netcom.ca X-NETCOM-Date: Sat Sep 14 7:02:46 PM EDT 1996 X-Newsreader: Microsoft Internet News 4.70.1155 Xref: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca alt.revisionism:65551 alt.messianic:37267 alt.fan.jesus-christ:9893 alt.bible.prophecy:7042 elieshed@netvision.net.il wrote in article ... > > I would like to know who is the inventor of the christian doctorin of > the deciside : that all the jews everywhere and at all times are > collectively and equaly responsible for the killng of Jesus. > where the writers of the new testment the inventors of the doctorin > or the church fathers? > is this doctorine still centeral in christianity today ( after this > doctorin had caused the horors of the holocust) or each church > ( the catholics ,the protestants , the Greek ortodocs) is diffrent > in her opinion on this doctorin ? > Eli eshed > This issue is quite complex, and I can only touch on the most salient issues. The hostility between NT (ie. Jewish) Christians and the Pharisees, along with the religious authorities in Jerusalem, was actually intra-Jewish, and Jesus would have considered himself a Jewish prophet speaking primarily to other Jews, but for subsequent centuries that fact became obscured as Gentile Christians internalized as religious anti-Semitism the hostility of earlier NT Christians toward the obduracy of their fellow Jews, that is, their refusal to accept Jesus as Messiah, along with the early Church's experience of Jewish persecution of both Jewish and Gentile Christians. In general, though with many complications, the later a NT text the more liable it is to anti-Semitic misinterpretations, since the Jewish authors, increasingly distressed that their former co-religionists were less likely to accept the Christian message than were the growing gentile churches, and having themselves been ejected from the synagogue, were engaged in an intra-Jewish polemic against their adversaries. The most powerful anti-Semitic texts are thus in John (eg. 8.44ff ), otherwise the most beautiful of the gospels, and it is John who carefully reinterprets the "priests and elders" who charge Jesus before Pilate as collectively "the Jews." The supposed obduracy of the Jews later evolved in medieval art into the contrasting images of Church and Synagogue, the latter with her eyes covered (her inability to perceive the truth) and her spear broken (her former authority destroyed.) See the statues on the thirteenth-century facade at Strasbourg; she's not physically blind, it's worth noting, but has wilfully blinded herself. As the to question of deicide, Jewish instigation of the execution of Christ appears throughout the gospels, even though there can be little doubt that the Roman authorities, considering Jesus a dangerous Jewish agitator, were actually responsible. Crucifixion was, after all, a Roman punishment, and the trial recorded in the gospels was plainly a *political* trial conducted by a Roman official, though the NT tries to conceal this fact. The most important text is undoubtedly Matthew 27:25: "His blood be on us and on our children." Even here the context does not permit the interpretation "Jews as such," and obviously any racial interpretation would have included Matthew himself, but the distinction is sufficiently subtle that one can't be surprised that, with the passage of time, later Gentile Christians failed to notice it. The standard explanation for this and similar distortions of history is that the early Church wished to shift the blame for Christ's execution from the Empire, wherein the bulk of its missionary activity was now directed and under whose auspices the execution had actually occurred, to the Jews, in order to exculpate the former. Later tradition, in a letter supposedly written by Pontius Pilate to the Emperor Tiberius, even made Pilate a secret Christian compelled against his will by the Jews to sentence Jesus to death, a fiction that provided corroboration for this shifting of blame. In short, we can disentangle at least two important motives for the charge of deicide: first, a practical need to blame someone other than the Romans for the execution, and second, a hostility toward Judaism and Jews for their refusal to accept Christ's deity and for their ejection of Jewish Christians from the synagogue. It's always important to remember that this early contention between Jews and (Jewish and Gentile) Christians occurred within the context of a common monotheism, with both parties sincerely believing themselves to be the historic people of God, and that monotheism, in contrast to the pluralistic polytheism that characterized the pagan world, invariably (and I say this without any hostility) tends toward intolerance. One cannot easily accept that there is only one God and then fail to judge different faiths as deviations from an immutable religious truth. Contemporary liberal Jews and Christians alike often employ various stratagems to get around this logical consequence, but it is unavoidable. Arguably liberal Muslims are more successful, given Islam's more “ecumenical” assumptions. In my view the charge of deicide was less important in the Middle Ages than often supposed. I doubt you could find many medieval texts that claim "Jews are everywhere and at all times collectively and equally responsible for the killing of Jesus." St John Chrysostom comes closest, as far as I am aware, to making the charge of deicide as commonly understood, and he also makes being Christian and being anti-Semitic almost synonymous: "He who abundantly loves Christ will never have done fighting against those [ie. Jews] who hate him." There is no doubt that the medievals tended, for philosophic reasons, to think in terms of abstractions, so that it was easier for them than for us to think of class concepts like *knight* or *beauty* as carrying universal generic properties, or to believe (to cite an analogous case) that original sin could reside spiritually and even physically in all men because the first man Adam (Hb. Man) sinned, or to imagine that the Jew one sees in the street is, by virtue of his class membership, somehow guilty of an ancient crime allegedly committed by an ancestor; but the general approach was to regard the Jews and their misfortunes as a corroboration of the truths of Christianity, a kind of valuable object lesson in the perils of unbelief. The crucial text is Augustine, *City of God* 18.46, where the dispersal of the Jews after the destruction of the temple in A.D. 70 is interpreted as useful evidence of the consequence of their errors, and reflecting this a pseudo-Augustinian text reads: *Cum veniat sanctus sanctorum, cessabit unxio vestra*, "when the Holy of Holies comes, then shall your anointing end" (see Langland, *Piers Plowman* B-18.109a). Jews would thus be permitted to live among Christians, but always in a subordinate status that testified to their spiritual blindness in the face of the Messiah and the resulting loss of their previous special relationship with God. Langland, incidentally, makes a "blind Jew named Longinus" (cf. *Gospel of Nicodemus* 625) the first to experience the salvific effects of the shed blood of the Crucifixion, recovering his sight and receiving eternal life after piercing Christ with his sword (*Piers Plowman* 18.78-91), an episode which illustrates succinctly what I consider the general attitude. The Jews are spiritually blind, but they can recover their sight. This isn't of course satisfactory from a modern perspective, but it's a far cry from the notion of Jews as always and everywhere Christ killers, and in fairness we have to admit that Jewish attitudes toward Christians have not always been complimentary. Canon law attempted to protect Jews in their religious practices, a protection (often honoured in the breach) inconsistent with the notion of a racial taint imparted by deicide, and the perennial medieval issue of the conversion of the Jews assumes their eventual spiritual absorption by Christendom. Anti-Semitic statements by Popes generally reflect a concern that Jews not be permitted to rule over Christians, not that they are infected with a kind of genetic blasphemy, though it must be admitted that they often come close. Eg. Gregory VII: “What is it to set Christians beneath Jews, and to make the former subject to the latter, other than to oppress the Church and exalt the Synagogue of Satan and, while desiring to please the enemies of Christ, to condemn Christ himself.” Innocent IV, however, has a more positive message: “It is from the archives of the Jews, so to speak, that the testimonies of the Christian faith come forth.” The charge of deicide was explicitly repudiated in Vatican II, and mainstream Christians of all persuasions have in recent decades understood Christ's historical ministry within its undeniable Jewish context and have acknowledged the tragic legacy of Christian anti-Semitism. This post is already too long, so to the claim that Christian anti-Semitism "caused" the Holocaust, I'll simply point out that the Nazis were notably anti-Christian. Even a cursory examination of Rosenberg's *Myth of the Twentieth Century* indicates his greater hostility to Catholicism, Hitler's nominal religion, than to Judaism, and Speer quotes Hitler as wishing Germany had been conquered by Muslims, Islam being in his view a more suitably aggressive religion for a master race. The crucial shift was from the religious anti-Semitism I have described to a racial anti-Semitism that attitributed, on the basis of nineteenth-century racial science, immutable biological characteristics to various ethnic groups, thus rendering their "otherness" a perpetual physical fact and suggesting the need for an equally physical solution. Christian anti-Semitism was arguably a necessary context for the Holocaust, but not its principal cause. From 104670.3420@compuserve.com Sun Sep 15 16:09:44 PDT 1996 Article: 71258 of can.politics Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!vertex.tor.hookup.net!hookup!news.dacom.co.kr!arclight.uoregon.edu!news.uoregon.edu!hunter.premier.net!www.nntp.primenet.com!nntp.primenet.com!news.enteract.com!ix.netcom.com!tor-nn1.netcom.ca!news From: "Duncan Coons" <104670.3420@compuserve.com> Newsgroups: rec.heraldry,can.politics Subject: Canadian Rebel Flag Date: 15 Sep 1996 21:38:31 GMT Organization: Netcom Canada Lines: 34 Message-ID: <01bba356$0ac94c60$4a605ecf@default> NNTP-Posting-Host: trt-on11-10.netcom.ca X-NETCOM-Date: Sun Sep 15 5:38:31 PM EDT 1996 X-Newsreader: Microsoft Internet News 4.70.1155 Xref: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca rec.heraldry:6722 can.politics:71258 I am trying to discover the significance of a flag designed by the Canadian rebel leader William Lyon Mackenzie for the abortive 1837 rebellion in Upper Canada against the Family Compact (ie. colonial authorities). rec.heraldry seems the most promising newsgroup. The flag has an olive green background centred with a skull-and-cross bones with the (obviously American) motto "Liberty or Death" underneath; at the time Mackenzie was a republican who admired the American form of constitutional democracy. In the flag's upper left hand corner (and herein lies the problem) there is a yellow six-pointed star (or more accurately a mullet of six points) encircled by six smaller stars. The number six, as far as I can see, has no particular relevance in the contemporary politics; Canada at the time was divided into Upper and Lower Canada, roughly Ontario and Quebec. Hence the obvious assumption that the stars in the rebel flag are modelled on the American stars and stripes seems inapplicable. The Star of David has been proposed, with the suggestion that the rebellion, should it be successful, would inaugurate a New Jerusalem. Mackenzie was not, however, notably religious, although a subsidiary issue in the rebellion was opposition to the Church of England's dominance in Upper Canada. In general rebels were Nonconformists of various persuasions, loyalists Anglican. After the failure of the rebellion, Mackenzie, in hiding, created his own seal, which is described as "a new moon breaking through darkness." If anyone is familiar with the significance of this design, it might be helpful in discovering the general symbology with which Mackenzie was working. Any help would be appreciated. --Duncan Coons
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