From John.Morris@UAlberta.CA Tue Dec 31 12:09:23 PST 1996 Article: 90119 of alt.revisionism Path: nizkor.almanac.bc.ca!news.island.net!news.bctel.net!nntp.portal.ca!news.bc.net!rover.ucs.ualberta.ca!news From: John.Morris@UAlberta.CA (John Morris) Newsgroups: alt.revisionism Subject: Nazi Mass Mass Murder in the Ukraine Date: Tue, 31 Dec 1996 01:41:42 GMT Organization: University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada Lines: 363 Message-ID: <32cb6d25.18655418@news.srv.ualberta.ca> NNTP-Posting-Host: async3-2.remote.ualberta.ca Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit X-Newsreader: Forte Agent .99g/32.339 The following article was sent to me by Dr. Richard Wright who conducted forensic examination of two mass graves in Serniki and Ustinovka, Ukraine. It is a more complete version of the article which has appeared here before, courtesy of Darren O'Brien, and it contains some additional notes on the use of forensic anthropology in Bosnia, Rwanda, and Argentina in uncovering evidence of mass murder. Since it addresses itself specifically to the claims of the so-called revisionists, it is worth posting in its entirety. --------------------------------------------------- UNCOVERING GENOCIDE: WAR CRIMES - THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE by Richard Wright [Richard Wright is Emeritus Professor of Anthropology at the University of Sydney. The original text of this lecture first appeared in The Sydney Papers, Vol. 7 (3), Winter 1995, following a lecture delivered to the Sydney Institute on 23 May 1995. The following text is taken from an edited reprint appearing in International Network on Holocaust and Genocide, Volume 11, Issue 3, 1996.] This lecture will introduce archaeological investigations of mass killings in Ukraine, perpetrated in 1942 and excavated 50 years later. The work was done to support three prosecutions made in Adelaide, South Australia, under the War Crimes Legislation. The question is why was an archaeologist needed at all? The Special Investigations Unit (SIU) of the Australian Attorney-General's Department was determined to forestall two styles of defense customarily offered in such cases - that the wrong person has been charged (mistaken identification) and that the events alleged are imagined or (if not wholly imagined) so polluted in peoples memories by the lapse of time, and by self-reinforcing narration, as to be worthlessly distorted evidence. Archaeology had nothing to do with the first strategy - identification of alleged perpetrators - but much to do with investigating material evidence for the alleged events. Thus this discussion will be about how the graves were found, how the details of killings were worked out, and how the events were dated, both by old fashioned stratigraphic methods and modern chronometric techniques. As an archaeologist my analysis concentrates on the particulars and does not presume to give a summary of the holocaust in Ukraine. The first grave was at Serniki, where the excavation party consisted of, on the forensic side (for assessing sex, age, manner of death of the victims), Dr Godfrey Oettle, head of the division of forensic medicine in Glebe, Sydney. Responsible for collecting details in a form acceptable for a court of law, Detective Sergeant David Hughes of the New South Wales Police. My wife Sonia Wright, an experienced field archaeologist, and who is currently writing up her experiences at Serniki, was my assistant. There were some preliminary problems. Even with glasnost (well under way in the summer of 1990) one could not just turn up in Moscow and announce you were going to do a mass exhumation in the Ukraine. With this in mind, the trip had been arranged with officials within the Soviet Government. The Soviet officials had already experienced the professionalism of the Sydney-based Special Investigations Unit, as the Australian team had virtually wound up its investigations at the village of Serniki. Thus the archaeological team inherited much of the goodwill that the SIU had built up with both the Soviet and Ukrainian authorities. Responsibility for ensuring the second team's needs were fulfilled was given to the procurator for the whole western half of the Soviet Union, Madam Kalishnikova - at times a hindrance, at times immensely helpful. Serniki is on the southern margins of the Pripet marshes, which Hitler said, in his table talk, would be retained for Wehrmacht manoeuvres after the war. The work area was, in 1942, well within the German lines in this area of the Ukraine. The area of the grave is now an ominous-looking dark pine forest, but feelings of that sort are illusory. At the time of the killings this was open country. Now in the late twentieth century, at the site in the forest, the Soviet authorities had set the team up with a telephone, tents, electricity, bulldozers, and a contingent of Red Army soldiers. Only the telephone didn't work. The local officials wanted to find the bodies as soon as possible, and did so at what turned out to be one end of the grave. However, the archaeological interest was first to find a soil feature that might be interpreted as a grave and only then look for bodies. In this way damage to contextual evidence would be minimised. The team was fortunate to find a marked contrast in colour and texture between the natural soil and the filling of tne grave. This contrast came right to the base of the existing humic zone at the surface, so delimiting one half of the grave was possible before disturbing anything. To do the work, the grave was divided into two halves, with the Australian team at the end located by archaeological methods, and the Soviets at the other. The first job, having delimited the boundaries of ths grave as some forty metres long and five metres wide, was to bulldoze down two metres to within twenty centimetres of the bodies. Then, together with the soldiers, shovels were used to remove the sand until the tops of the bodies were exposed. Paint brushes were then used to do the final exposure. At the end of five weeks of gruesome work, the skull count indicated about 550 bodies in the grave. There may have been a few more skulls where bodies lay more than two deep, but the torsos had too much surviving soft tissue to make feasible the task of any further exposure. An awful scene unfolded. As the eyewitnesses had said, they were mostly women and children. The men were old men. They had been herded down a ramp into the grave. One lot had gone to the left and been shot while lying down within the grave; the others had gone to the right. The majority had entry and exit wounds of bullets in their skulls. Some of them had been clubbed. At the end the Soviets were working on, the bodies lay face down, parallel and in rows. At the Australian end the bodies were much more disorganized. There seemed to have been panic at our end. In a generally empty area at the middle of the grave, bodies were found that had fewer bullets to the head. Some had been clubbed. These people had surviving bits of clothing, whereas the main mass of people at each end of the grave had been stripped before being shot. Items of clothing were found right through the filling of the grave, suggesting that people had picked through a pile of clothing, throwing in what was unwanted while the grave was being filled. One boot contained a pocket watch secreted in the heel. There was grim satisfaction in revealing that the massive grave was much too large for the number of people in it. The Nazis had obviously hoped for many more victims. One of my duties was to concentrate on dating the event. After cleaning up some of the corroded machine pistol cartridge cases, and examining them with a lens, my colleagues found that the killers had used German ammunition stamped with the place and date of manufacture. The cases dated from the years 1939, 1940 and 1941. These cases were like coins found in conventional excavations. Thereby the team had a date of 1941, later than which the killings must have taken place. It proved more of a problem to get a date earlier than which the killings took place. The fir trees grew in parallel rows and were clearly a plantation. Some fir trees grew in the filling of the grave. The growth rings of the trees were examined. The greatest number of rings found was 29, indicating that the killing had taken place before 1961. Dating narrowed down significantly on return to Sydney, Australia. Radiocarbon dating of hair showed no trace of the so-called hydrogen bomb effect in their proportion of carbon isotopes. So the killing must have taken place before hydrogen bombs were first detonated in 1952. Turning now to 1991, when work commenced at Ustinovka, a year later than Serniki. Sergeant Steve Horn replaced David Hughes, and Dr Chris Griffiths, a specialist in forensic dentistry at Westmead Hospital, Sydney, joined Godfrey Oettle on the forensic side. He was needed because of a particularly awful allegation about the killings there. It was alleged that after a hundred or so adults had been marched two kilometres to a grave and shot, a fellow had asked where the children were. 'We didn't think you wanted to shoot the children', the organisers of the round-up had said. At that, some of the men returned to the village, commandeered a cart, and drove the children back to the grave. It is then alleged that they threw the children off the cart and into the grave, and shot them. Apparently the SIU investigators had interviewed the mother of three of those children (the father was a Jew, she was not), who had said she returned from the fields for lunch one day, and her children were not in the house. She asked the neighbours whether they had seen the children. The neighbours told her they had been taken away to be shot. Dr Griffith's services were required because of the need to work out the ages of the children, if found, from the stages of eruption of the milk and permanent teeth. Ustinovka is 500km east-southeast of Serniki, in the fertile black soil loess belt. Unlike at Serniki, the locals had only a vague idea of where the grave might be. There was no sign on the surface. Standing in a vast paddock of 10 cm tall peas and maize, I felt helpless. How were we to start looking? Where were we to start looking? One idea was to look for evidence of disturbed soil -young crops like disturbed ground, trenches showing up from the air as greener features. However, even from the air this proved fruitless, and thus more mundane methods were initiated. With a backhoe, a shallow trench was put across a likely area. We began examining the scraped walls for lateral discontinuities in colour and texture. In this way the side of a deep cutting was found, which turned out to be the grave. At Ustinovka, unlike at Serniki, there was success in defining the whole area of the grave before disturbing any of its contents. When looking for a buried body your archaeological objective should be first to find the grave and only then direct attention to the body. This is a fundamental principle in conserving evidence that Australian police should pay more attention to. Archaeologists too rarely get called in to assist the police in their investigations. Remembering the story that children had been killed after the adults, the stratigraphic evidence provided stunning support for this story. The team came upon the children's skeletons first, and then what seemed to be the bottom of the grave. But twenty centimetres below the children lay the adults. The witnesses did not actually mention that the grave had been partly filled after the adults were killed, but obviously the stratigraphic observations provide important material evidence for their statement that children were killed later. There were about twenty children. The youngest one was about six months and virtually destroyed in the soil, except for the teeth. The oldest one was about twelve or thirteen years old. Thus evidence was gathered that would have been missed without attention to scientific methods of excavation. At Ustinovka, maybe even the grave itself would have been missed. I conclude that archaeological methodology has a role in the investigations of killings. I want to conclude by looking more widely than the events in the Ukraine. I am obviously not alone in thinking that archaeoogical methodology has a role in the investigation of killings. The University of Bradford has a postgraduate diploma that majors in forensic archaeology. I hope to visit John Hunter there when I go over to the United Kingdom later this year [see 'Investigating War Crimes - An Update' at the end of this article). Closer to the topic of what I have been discussing in this lecture is the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team. It was formed in the mid-1980s, when it became politically possible to investigate the fate of the so-called 'Disappeared' of the 1970s. Horrified at the shambles the police were making of the exhumations, they formed themselves into a group of archaeologists and forensic anthropologists. They impressed on the authorities that their methods would allow better opportunities for identifying specific individuals, by proving the association between artefacts and particular skeletons. It was not merely enough to dig up the skeletons and take them to a morgue for identification. This dedicated tearn has lent its services to authorites elsewhere in South America and the world. The Boston based Physicians for Human Rights has been approached by the United Nations to assist with prosecutions relating to atrocities in both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. As their title indicates, they are primarily a forensic team of volunteers. But they routinely incorporate the services of archaeologists. I am privileged to have been invited last year to join their group of experts, though I cannot say that it is an invitation that I accept with relish. The primary archaeological interests of my career have been twofold - environmental changes at the end of the Ice Age and models for computer aided multivariate analysis of archaeological data. But as you can see, the invitation to work in the Ukraine dragged me away >from those worthwhile, but relatively arcane, pursuits to a nasty awakening in the archaeology of the twentieth century. Nasty it may have been, but I have not regretted it. Even though no Australian has been found guilty by the courts of the atrocities we investigated, we have brought forward new material evidence of three particular episodes in the Holocaust that no persons, even those labouring on behalf of Holocaust deniers, have sought to contradict. Material evidence is harder to contradict than memories. [Editor's addendum: AUSTRALIAN WAR CRIMES - A BRIEF OVERVIEW. In April 1987 the Special Investigations Unit (SIU) was formed under the directorship of Robert Greenwood within the Australian Federal Attorney-General's Department to investigate all aspects of Australia's Nazi past. In its five-year life the SIU examined allegations against 814 individuals. From substantial research, proceedings were commenced against three men: Ivan Polyukhovich, Mikolay Berezovsky and Heinrich Wagner. The archaeological material excavated by Richard Wright from the Serniki mass grave was submitted as evidence in the trial of Polyukhovich, who was acquitted. The Berezovsky case was dismissed by the magistrate. The case against Wagner was stopped by the Director of Public Prosecutions due to Wagner's ill-health. The case against a fourth, Konrads Kalejs, was handed over by the then Attorney-General, Michael Lavarch, to the Australian Federal Police after the closure of the SIU in 1992. No other proceedings have taken place in the ensuing years.] ---------------------- INVESTIGATING WAR CRIMES - AN UPDATE The editors of International Network on Holocaust and Genocide kindly asked me if I would like to append a note to the reprinting of my lecture to the Sydney Institute. I did visit John Hunter at the University of Bradford and found he is doing an excellent job teaching forensic archaeology. Readers interested in the technicalities should consult his book Studies in Crime: An Introduction to Forensic Archaeology, Batsford Books (1996). He has been particularly concerned to build up a good relationship between the profession and the British police, one that persuades the police that archaeologists should be called in as a matter of course. A case study, where they were not called in, is that of the Harry West murders in Gloucestershire. The investigators publicly claimed to be using archaeological methods to recover evidence but they did not use archaeologists. Hunter reproduces a photo of the Gloucestershire work. It looks like a preparation of the Fields of Flanders. In April I went to the Middle East to work on skeletal remains from the University of Sydney's excavations in the Bronze Age of Arabia. Sonia and I had a round the world ticket to return to Australia, one that would have taken us through the United States in mid-May. So I asked Darren O'Brien (Assistant Director of the Centre for Comparative Genocide Studies) about institutions in the US that might be interested in hearing of our Ukrainian work. He circulated my 'Serniki' article on the Holocaust internet list. [The list in question was H-Holocaus issuing out of the University of Chicago which, at that time, had 677 subscribers - Ed.]. Disappointingly, there was virtually no interest - certainly no constructive interest. So we routed our return to Australia via Argentina. Last month, in Buenos Aires, we met with members of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team. We were both moved by the meeting. They operate with a threat to personal safety that I have never had to come to terms with. During a seemingly carefree lunch in the middle of Buenos Aires, one of the Argentine investigators told us that her husband would be sorry not to meet us. He was at that moment in Brazil, investigating the shooting murders by the police of thirty landless peasants. Someone asked whether we have children. Yes - our children are grown up. We then asked (with that automatic reciprocity that characterises polite restaurant conversation) whether she too had children. 'No, we don't'. Then she added laconically: 'In South America, if you do our type of work it's best not to have children'. Before breakfast in our Buenos Aires hotel room, and on the very day we met with the Argentine forensic team, I turned on CNN television to see what was going on in the world. I was non-plussed by the coincidences. I had tuned in to the opening speech for the prosecution in the Bosnian war crimes trial at The Hague. It was Grant Niemann making his opening speech. A wheel had come full circle. Grant was the Adelaide based prosecutor of our Ukrainian cases. So far as I know, Holocaust deniers have shown a total avoidance of our Ukrainian evidence. Yet (and, again, so far as I know) the deniers have not been directly confronted with it in any arena of debate. I want to say that I found it unnerving that even the well-disposed have shown so little interest in our Ukrainian work. I hasten to mention exceptions, and acknowledge the interest of the Centre for Comparative Genocide Studies at Macquarie University, and of the Australian Jewish Historical Society in Canberra. But that is it. Perhaps the reason is this. Material evidence may be harder to contradict than memories, but memories are more potent and demanding of attention - and, of course, more fleeting than archaeological evidence. But then again, perhaps what we did in the Ukraine is just too nasty, immediate and confronting. As a Jewish colleague said to me, we have forced ourselves to get familiar with the grainy black and white photos of Belsen. Now you are wanting us to look at the Holocaust in colour. -Richard Wright- ****************************************************** -- John Morrisat University of Alberta -- The Nizkor Project | http://www.nizkor.org/
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