Newsgroups: alt.revisionism,soc.history
Subject: Holocaust Almanac: Grafeneck: The gassings begin, in Germany
Summary: Gassings within the "Old Reich" documented, contrary
to persistant assertions by deniers, who often flog
that discredited old horse, the "Lachout Dokument."
From: Ken McVay
Followup-To: alt.revisionism
Organization: The Nizkor Project, Canada
Keywords: Grafeneck,Hadamar,Hallervorden,Tiessler,Wirth,Wurm
Archive/File: places/euthanasia/grafeneck.01
Last-modified: 1993/11/09
"Around Grafeneck signs were posted: `Danger -- Epidemic,' and all
access was barred. The exterminations rose to an average of more
than thirty a day. Since it was awkward, time-consuming, and too
expensive to kill so many with drugs, Criminal Police Commissioner
Wirth devised a method for mass extinction. The people, upon
arrival, were undressed, given a one-minute physical examination,
then herded into a shed whose walls had been mortered and sealed.
Since many of these patients, removed from their accustomed
surroundings, were in a state of great agitation, Wirth tried to calm
them by leading them to believe that they would be given showers.
The shed, in fact, was equipped with dummy shower heads. Once all
were inside the doors were locked, and coal gas or carbon monoxide
was pumped in.
To dispose of the bodies, a crematorium was erected. Dr.
Hallervorden, however, thought it a shame that so much `scientific'
material should go up in smoke. In a despostion for the trial
[Nuremberg] he related: `I went up to them and told them, `Look here
now, boys, if you are going to kill all these people, at lease take
the brains out so that the material could be utilized.' They asked
me, `How many can you examine?' And so I told them an unlimited
number -- the more the better!'
Since Grafeneck was situated on a ridge adjacent to a Wehrmacht
training area and the town of Munsinger was but three miles away, it
had not taken long for people to make the connection between the
transports on which thousands arrived and no one ever departed and
the nauseous smoke that continually wafted over the countryside from
the high chimney. By July 1940, Grafeneck created such a tempest in
Wu"rttembery that Bishop Wurm, the head of the Lutherin Church in the
province, addressed a letter to Frick:
`For some months past, insane, feeble-minded, and epileptic
patients have been transferred on the orders of the Reich
Defense Council. Their relatives are informed a few weeks
later that the patient concerned has died of an illness,
and that, owing to the danger of infection, the body has
had to be cremated. Several hundred patrients from
institutions in Wu"rttemberg alone must have met their
death in this way, among them war-wounded of the Great War.
`The manner of action, particularly of deceptions that
occur, is already sharply criticized. Everybody is
convinced that the causes of deaths which are officially
published are selected at random. When, to crown
everything, regret is expressed in the obituary notice that
all endeavors to preserve the patient's life were in vain,
this is felt to be a mockery. The air of mystery gives
rise to the thought that something is happening that is
contrary to justice and cannot therefore be fefended by the
government. It also appears very little care was taken in
the selection of the patients destined for annihilation.
The selections were not limited to insane persons, but
included also persons capable of work, especially
epileptics.
`What conclusions will the younger generation draw when it
realizes that human life is no longer sacred to the state?
Cannot every outrage be excused on the grounds that the
elimination of another was of advantage to the person
concerned? There can be no stopping once one starts down
this decline. God does not permit people to mock Him.
Either the National Socialist state must recognize the
limits which God has laid down, or it will favor a moral
decline and carry the state down with it.'
No response to the letter was forthcoming. Frequently, if a critic
did not take on the system publicly and the issue was likely to be
embarrassing, the Nazis preferred to let the matter disappear in the
caverns of the bureaucracy. There, with exquisite, polite casuistry,
officials communicated with each other in such terms as: `I have the
honor to inform you that the female patients referred from your
institution on November 8, 1940, to the institutions of Grafeneck,
Bernburg, Sonnenstein, and Hartheim all died in November of last
year.'
In truth, the euthanasia exterminations were just getting in full
gear. On September 5, 1940, Bishop Wurm wrote Frick again, deploring
that, since his last letter, `this practice has reached tremendous
proportions. Recently, the inmates of old-age homes have also been
included. The basis for this practice seems to be the opinion that
in an efficient nation there is no room for weak and frail people.
If the leadership of the state is convinced that it is an inevitable
war measure, why does it not issue a decree with legal force, which
would at least have the good point that official quarters would not
have to seek refuge in lies? Is it necessary that the German nation
should be the first civilized nation to return to the habits of
primitive races?'
Soon all pretense of eliminating only `incurables' ceased. Small
institutions were shut down, and larger ones left operating as fronts
with a minute fraction of their former patients. A young,
hardworking farmer by the name of Koch was ordered to report for
sterilization because he was an epileptic. He wrote his mother he
was feeling fine and asked her to send him some tobacco. The next
his mother heard was that he had died of an incurable disease. His
neighbors had no doubt that he had met a violent death and expressed
great indignation.
As 1941 progressed, attention shifted to the small town of Hadamar in
a famous cheese-making region near the Dutch bornder. There, with
the Nazi knack for conspicuousness, an extermination installation was
set up in a former monastery situated on a hill overlooking the
community. Children, with their instinct for cruel truth, taunted
each other: `You're crazy! You'll be sent to bake in Hadamar.' The
bishop of Limburg adressed Justice Minister Gu"rtner: `The population
cannot grasp that systematic actions are carried out which, in
accordance with Paragraph 211 of the German criminal code, are
punishable by death.'
But it was not until late July of 1941 when Count von Galen, the
bishop of Mu"nster, spoke up, that anyone dared to bring the matter
of the killings into the open. Von Galen's family had been renowned
in Germany for hundreds of years, and his name was so famous it
provided him with a certain immunity. `Citizens of Mu"nster,' the
bishop addressed his parishoners, `wounded soldiers are being killed
recklessly since they are of no more productive use to the state.
Mother, your boy will be killed too if he comes back home from the
front crippled.' The recent British air attacks on Mu"nster, the
bishop warned, should be interpreted as God's vengeance on the German
nation.
Walter Tiessler, Goebble's deputy for propaganda and public
enlightenment, responded by suggesting `that we adopt the only
measure that can be taken as good propaganda as well as legal
punishment -- namely: to hang the bishop of Mu"nster. A general
public notice of the execution of the death penalty as well as a
detailed justification of the measure should be made.'
By this time, the preponderance of `useless eaters' and `lives
unworthy of living' had been exterminated. Brandt and Bouhler were
ordered to deemphasize but not discontinue the euthanasia program.
`Directors of asylums,' one official reported, `were instructed that
`useless eaters' who could not work very much should be killed by
slow starvation. This method was considered very good, because the
victims would appear to have died a `natural death.'" (Conot,
207-210)
Works Cited:
Conot, Robert E. JUSTICE AT NUREMBERG. New York: Harper & Row, 1983.
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