The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

Shofar FTP Archive File: orgs/canadian/sirc/heritage-front/HF-V-Info-and-Harassment


In order to avoid, where possible, taking part in confrontational 
activities between the Heritage Front and others, the Source chose 
to become the "information gathering" expert within the group.

From time to time, when Droege demanded action, the Source would have 
to manoeuvre to maintain his credibility, and yet not divulge 
information. He created a series of imaginary events to show that he 
was active, events he would recount to Ken Barker, Elisse Hategan, 
Wolfgang Droege, and other members of the Heritage Front. The Source's 
reports allowed the Service to intervene if there was a likelihood of 
actual violence occurring.

Information gathering kept the Source away from the front lines, and 
actual confrontations. He was not well known to police forces. The 
police, for example:

   "considered the Source to be an information gatherer. He was 
   known but not seen as an integral member of the Heritage 

According to the Toronto Region Investigator, Holocaust denier Ernst 
Zundel sometimes asked for information to be collected and, after approval 
by Droege, the Source would appear to carry out the request. The Source 
would have to appear enthusiastic, and active. In the end, however, he 
would only provide information from public sources, and the handler was 
always aware of what was passed. Sometimes the Source would degrade his 
information before passing it on by transposing telephone numbers. And 
sometimes the Source would stall, or indicate that information was too 
expensive to acquire.

   5.2 White Supremacist Information Highway

In early 1991, the Source found out that Terry Long was proposing to set up 
a Canadian Aryan Computer Network. Long stated that American racist Louis 
Beam enthusiastically supported the idea. Long also indicated that he was 
developing a target list. Target lists were to be a main feature of the 
network once it was established.

According to CSIS files, on April 21, 1991, Droege established a computer 
link with Long, and the first successful test message took place between 
the Aryan Nations and the Heritage Front. That month, Wolfgang Droege and 
Ernst Zundel, Holocaust denier and prolific publisher of hate literature, 
met publicly at a Heritage Front meeting.[2]
Ernst Zundel sometimes provided information, at Droege's request, to be 
forwarded to Long. The information concerned various "enemies". One 
piece of information, for example, was the licence plate number of Meir 
Halevi, Leader of the Jewish Defence League (JDL) in Toronto.[3]

Droege is not a computer person, Lincoln was the computer expert. Louis 
Beam was said to be the brains behind the United [the Aryan Computer 
Network, which the Canadian supremacists were ring to emulate.

In July 1991, the Source obtained and provided to CSIS a listing of 
personal information which Droege received from Terry Long. The list was 
passed promptly to the RCMP. "The list was presented as an intelligence 
file in which the recipients are to contribute material when required".

Droege told the Source that the list was created so that - movement has 
the required intelligence on targets when the 'Day of the Rope' arrives. 
The Source believes that Droege was referring to a target 'hit list' 
which would be used when the 'Racei War ' begins.

The list included 22 names of Canadians, some Jewish, some just plain 
enemies (e.g., people who had fired Heritage Front members).

CSIS officers believed that this intelligence list was a partial one 
and that a more comprehensive list was held by Long. They commented 
that it would be interesting to see what action Droege or his 
associates took with respect to providing additional information on 
the targets.

The Source was asked about the list of 22 persons. He said that few in 
the movement could gain access to it. The Source stated that he did no 
work to update the information he received, there was nothing new on 
the list, but he gave it to his handler anyway.[4]

The Source was asked if he ever provided information to Terry Long. He 
said he absolutely did not give information to Terry Long; it was a 
largely a one-way street with the information going from Long to the 
Heritage Front and not the other way.[5]

As late as February 1992, names were being placed on a computerized 
list. For example, Terry Long's spouse asked two names to be added to 
the Aryan Nations computer intelligence list. The two individuals were 
"enemies"  who had initiated a Human Rights complaint and a civil suit 
against her husband. The investigator comments, however, that "Due to 
Terry Long's absence, the computer connection with the Heritage Front 
appears to have terminated." With the imprisonment of Terry Long, the 
computer link, which was described by the Source as defective in any 
case, appeared to have become inoperative. These names also were 
passed to the RCMP.
The Heritage Front's telephone Hate Line was established in the Summer 
of 1991. It was to be the target of a number of legal actions by the 
Jewish and Native communities, and was to be stopped, and then 
restarted seven times over the next three years.[6]

Through the Summer and Fall of 1991, work continued on the hate line. 
We learned that Lincoln dictated the message, as approved by Droege, on 
the answering machine. Eventually, the hotline was mainly Gary 
Schipper's project, and certainly the voice was his.

   5.4 The Rise of the Anti-Racist Groups

The first record we have of activities involving antiracists concerns 
the attendance of Heritage Front members on September 24, 1991 at the 
Toronto Mayor's Committee on Community and Race Relations. At the 
meeting, Paul Fromm allegedly interrupted Rodney Bobiwash by shouting 
"scalp them", resulting in a confrontation. Subsequently, as a result 
of the confrontation, some Front members were ejected, but two of them, 
Lincoln and Bristow were able stay as members of the general 

In early 1992, according to a magazine article, a new kind of militant 
anti-racist group, Anti-Racist Action was born.[7] In a "three hour 
festival of vocal havoc and counter-intimidation" in front of Toronto's 
Ristorante Roma, Anti-Racist Action demonstrators tried to confront the 
estimated 40 skinheads inside.

"Finally, at 11:00 p.m., a cordon of officers shielded the Neo-Nazi's 
from a barrage of eggs as they fled the scene".[8]

The Ristorante Roma incident was to "characterize what ARA was going to 
be like". According to Kevin Thomas:

   "The group ... was mostly made up of people who hadn't done 
   anything like this before, so we weren't going to abide by the rules 
   laid out for people on how you're supposed to negotiate political 
   action. It was like, 'no we'll do whatever works'. There's been 
   sort of that theme all along".[9]

At the Ristorante Roma, Droege asked Grant Bristow to negotiate between 
the two groups. The police wanted people to leave the premises 
peacefully and, with Grant Bristow urging a peaceful withdrawal, this 
took place.[10]

The Anti-Racist Action, or ARA, according to "This Magazine" had the 
motto, "Do what works. It's what works that counts. Do it now, right this 
instant". ARA newsletters provided information on how to "hack into" the 
Heritage Front hate line and block messages. ARA members demonstrated in 
front of Heritage Front meetings, and would confront individual Heritage 
Front members. ARA members would not wait for the Heritage Front to act 
first. Eventually, a small group of ARA members would "trash" (vandalize) 
Gary Schipper's house.[11]

According to the ARA, "hate was getting younger" and it was becoming 
attached to street violence. It was time for different solutions:

   "a number of inner city youth who'd had run ins with the skin-heads 
   decided that court battles against phone lines weren't enough. 
   Federal laws might be able to stop racist propaganda after a few 
   years of hearings, they figured, but they didn't help much when 
   skin-heads were threatening you in your favourite drinking hole 
   or in front of your locker".[12]

   5.5 Recruitinq at High Schools

Both the Heritage Front and the anti-racist leadership agreed on one 
thing: their market for recruits was the disaffected young. The first 
indication in CSIS files of actions involving high schools is a 
reference in June 1990 to Wolfgang Droege telling Grant Bristow about 
plans to distribute leaflets at a school. He also talked about 
"spray painting and vandalism operations" to respond to actions by 

By late 1992, the Heritage Front began recruiting in earnest. 
According to one account:

   "Heritage Front members leafleted and visited dozens of high 
   schools in Southern Ontario, seeking to tap the frustrations of 
   kids who faced dismal job prospects and were willing to blame 
   it all on immigrants and non-whites".[l3]

Recruiting at high schools led the Heritage Front into direct conflict 
with the ARA, and with High School staff. The ARA started holding 
meetings at high schools, and putting their positions forward.
Both sides then started targeting students who were members of their 
opponent's organization.
We learned that to discredit the anti-racists, Bristow advised Droege 
that he had contacted the principal of Riverdale Collegiate and asked 
why he had allowed a paedophile to enter the school premises and speak 
to children. Bristow claimed the principal had been in tears.

In August 1994, after Bristow was alleged to be a CSIS source by the 
media, Droege provided his version of Bristow's contact with Riverdale 
Collegiate to another reporter. He alleged that Bristow stated 'we are 
going to make sure that they will never have another meeting at any of 
the schools in Toronto.' Droege explained that Bristow had identified 
someone as being a child molester and he informed the principal and the 
School Board Trustees that some convicted paedophiles were affiliated 
(with ARA). Bristow then threatened to make this information public if 
they (principal and school trustees) persisted in allowing ARA to hold 

The Review Committee spoke to the Principal, at the time, of Riverdale 
Collegiate. He said that he had not received any calls from any Heritage 
Front member, and that no school staff member had told him of receiving 
any such calls.[14]

According to the Source, quite a few people were calling schools. Droege 
was reported as having called the Ministry of Education as well as 
schools. The Source said that he told Droege that he had talked to such 
Board officials, but actually, he had not. The handler said that he 
believed that the Source was not involved in this type of activity.[15]

    5.6 Machine Busters

In the Summer or early Fall of 1992, Rodney Bobiwash set up the group 
called "Klanbusters". They had discovered a method of finding the 
remote code (usually two digits) of answering machines. They used 
this knowledge to access Droege's answering machine. They could change 
the message he left on his machine, and they could note his callers and 
then telephone them.

Droege would later tell the Review Committee that among those who made 
threatening telephone calls to the Heritage Front hotline were the ARA 
and "various leftist groups, such as the International Socialists, 
also Trotskyites; the Jewish Students Network."[16]

In return, Droege learned how to obtain the code which allowed external 
access to the Klanbuster hotline message centre. He was thus able to 
obtain the names (not identified) of "two leftwing types who were 
attempting to infiltrate the Heritage Front". CSIS learned that Droege 
confided to the source that he would like to actively conduct a 
counter-intelligence program to identify these individuals and prevent 
further penetration. He also wanted to run informers into the left 
wing milieu.
The Source told SIRC that Marc Lemire probably taught Droege how to 
obtain information from various answering machines and the Hotline.[17]

CSIS' Toronto Region thought that the Front was " taking internal 
security matters very seriously. They are also branching out under 
Droege's direction to include offensive countermeasures." This 
development would likely increase the potential for violent 
confrontations between the racists and the antiracists.

Droege regularly called Bobiwash's machine. People who had left 
messages for Bobiwash would get a call back from the Heritage Front. 
One of Lemire's tricks was to put parts of Zundel's speeches on a tape 
loop which repeated itself constantly, and feed it to the machines of 
Heritage Front opponents.[18]

Wolfgang Droege showed Bristow how to break into answering machines. 
He alleged that much of Bristow's time was spent breaking into people's 
machines, usually when they were not at home.[l9] Droege added that the 
Heritage Front people could break into two-digit machines at will, in 
less than half an hour.

Toronto Region learned that Church of the Creator leader George Burdi's 
right hand man, Eric Fischer, and his brother, Carl (Elkar) Fischer, 
were helping Grant Bristow perform security duties. On December 15, 1992, 
the Fischer brothers and Bristow went to the Toronto Public Library to 
learn how use a Toronto Mights Directory to trace telephone numbers, 
numbers obtained from Droege's answering machine or from left-wing and 
anarchist telephone hotlines and message centres. The Source reported 
that the brothers could not work out how to use the MIGHTS Directory.[20]

   5.7 The "IT" Campaign

The "IT" campaign apparently started at the end of 1992 and continued 
until about November, 1993. The "IT" campaign drew on the information 
that the Heritage Front obtained by breaking into answering machines. 
Most of the information came from Rodney Bobiwash's "Klanbuster" 
machine. [21]

Elisse Hategan, who defected from the Heritage Front after she was 
charged for a hate crime, stated in an affidavit that:

   "when someone was made IT that person's life would be made 
   miserable. More precisely, the person would be reminded of the 
   fact 24-hours a day; one would not be able to eat or sleep in peace. 
   Calls would be made at home, at work, constantly, the goal being to 
   make IT's life miserable, get IT fired from IT's job and made to fear 
   one's own shadow, until IT felt IT was never alone for even a second, 
   that IT was always watched. There could only be one IT. The only way 
   one could get out of being IT was to give the name and phone number 
   of another person in the ARA, so that that person would take the 
   place of IT."[22]

According to Hategan, she called several "victims" at Bristow's urging, 
and she knew that he made some calls.[23] Police authorities advised the 
Service that Hategan's information was not very accurate.

According to the Source, some of the calls involved the statement "you 
have been selected to be 'IT'. I am to become your closest personal 
friend; if you don't want to be 'IT', give me the names and telephone 
numbers of someone else and they can be IT".[24]

The Source invented the "IT" scenario in an attempt to avoid criminal 
threatening charges. Originally, Droege wanted all the participating 
HF members to phone ARA people and actually threaten them with bodily 
harm. [25]

After the press allegations in August 1994, Barker told a journalist that 
he heard Bristow call up and incite people on the phone, two to three 
hours a day, in the morning, usually from 9:15 hours to 11:30 hours. 
Barker continued that he (Bristow) would get on the phone and Barker 
would sit there and 'roar' as he (Bristow) would call these people up 
and incite them, everything from A to Z. At the time these comments 
were made, Droege and his associates were fabricating information for 
the media. [26]

The Source acknowledged that he provided coaching and instruction for 
the "IT" campaign. [27]

In the case of Elisse Hategan, for example, the Source said he told her, 
"don't break the law, do not threaten people; if they say 'you are 
harassing me', don't call them back."

Droege wanted to involve other people and the Source was trying to control 
the process. He thought that by having everyone work through him on the 
"IT" campaign, he could retain the numbers that the Heritage Front members 
collected. He could also restrict, to some extent, the participation of 
others. To dissuade others from becoming involved, he would say that he 
had the whole thing under control. [28]

According to the Source, as part of his instruction to others, he would 
let them hear his technique on three-way calls. In making these calls, 
he said that he did not harass nor issue threats. His only purpose was 
to collect information on these "enemies of freedom."[29]

We learned that Gerry Lincoln told Droege that Bristow did not make a single one of those (Harassment) calls. Droege agreed with this. Droege said that Elisse Hategan was not bad, as she made it appear, it put it all onto Bristow's shoulders, everything, which, in a way, was not bad at all.[30]

The Source stated that one has to understand the environment at the time. 
Bobiwash's people were placing calls to the Heritage Front, making threats 
and hanging up. Bobiwash's people eventually went and vandalized Gary 
Schipper's home; activities Bobiwash described as "jocularity" in 
Federal Court. The Source said that every faction was in on the act: 
threatening and breaking into each other's machines. There was considerable 
anger amid a climate of charges, counter-charges, posters, and telephone 

According to Bristow, other people made most of the calls. He did, 
however, call two people: a female anti-racist activist and Kevin 

We asked the Source about counter-intelligence activities against 
anti-racist groups, and its potential impact on confrontations between 
anti-racists and the Heritage Front.[33] He said that there was no 
serious counter-intelligence program, and no "human sources". If the 
left-wing had a march, Droege and/or Zundel would think it a good idea 
for them to be covered.[34] Sometimes Bristow would be on the street 
photographing and taking numbers, sometimes Fischer or Hategan did this.[35]

The Source was asked about the use of "plants" (Heritage Front people who 
attended ARA meetings). He said that there were none. Some of Eric 
Fischer's people, however, were working against the anti-racists, and 
this was reported to Droege. Fischer would place his people in the 
anti-racist meetings and Bristow would debrief them along with Fischer 
when they reported back.

In February 1993, Wolfgang Droege was told that the Klanbusters and 
the International Socialists were going to hold meetings and that someone 
from the Church of the Creator (COTC) would be covering the meetings. The 
COTC persons who were sent by Fischer to cover the meetings were Talic 
and Cake. Their job was to find out what was going on.[36] However, they 
soon became bored with this activity, and stopped attending the meetings. [37]

   5.8 Information Collection on the ARA

Al Overfield alleges that he received a list of known "lefties" from 
Bristow, and that the Source was also attempting to obtain Rodney 
Bobiwash's home address.

Bristow said that he had never provided a list of known "lefties" 
allegedly obtained from the Heritage Front counter-intelligence program 
to Overfield. The Source said that Bristow did provide some names, under 
instruction from Droege, which had appeared on Droege's answering machine. 
The Source consulted with the Toronto Region Investigator, who said that 
he could provide telephone numbers to others if the information received 
from the answering machine was specific and well known.

According to the Source, Droege was seeking Bobiwash's address. Droege 
wanted to attack Bobiwash. Had the Source wanted to do so, he could have 
obtained the address quite easily. [38]

Droege wanted Bristow to obtain the addresses of Kevin Thomas and the 
other ARA leaders. The only addresses that Droege ever obtained, said 
the Source, were the ones he developed himself.[39]

   5.9 Harasmment of ARA Members

The information on the harassment of the anti-racists is somewhat sparse 
due to the nature of the events themselves and because of the refusal of 
Members of the ARA to cooperate with the Review Committee. The events 
described below indicate what was alleged to have happened to three 
present or former members of the Anti-Racist Action group.

The anti-racist activist is a former ARA member who, in her own words, 
was one of the most active ARA members for a two or three month period. 
She told SIRC that she was subject to intense harassment from January 
to April 1993. During this period, she received 25 to 30 calls every 
day, at all hours of the day and night. This diminished to 25-30 calls 
a week between May and July 1993.

The Source said that the activist appeared to be both stable and 
aggressive. Bristow's calls involved "you're IT" at normal hours. Many 
other people probably also called her. The "IT" campaign was to collect 
information and was not designed to harass anyone day and night. The 
Investigator acknowledged the possibility however, that some of the 
younger Front members may have spent some nights making such calls.

Though most of the harassment took the form of telephone calls, the 
activist said there was also some "stalking". She would be told that 
"we know that you were here and here and here during the day" and "we're 
watching your every move". During the January-April period, she said the 
calls involved increasing threats of violence. In early March, she was 
told that her house would be fire-bombed. The activist said that she 
never reported the incident to the police. The telephone harassment 
calls at her home involved many "hang-ups" and disguised voices. She 
said that she did not report the harassment campaign to the police.

The Source told the Review Committee that no "stalking" took place 
because Heritage Front members never had the patience to engage in that 
type of activity. The Source said he has no knowledge of anyone ever 
being placed under surveillance. If it had happened, the Source said he 
would have known about it in due course. [40]

The activist said that some of the calls did not appear, initially, to be 
harassment. For example, she would be told that the caller's child had 
been injured at an ARA rally and that the caller wanted to speak to 
someone about the issue. When she asked "how did you get my home 
number", the caller would hang up. The Toronto Region Investigator said 
this type of call may have been part of the harassment campaign. However, 
it was an unusual type of call for the Heritage Front, and he had not 
previously heard about it.

The activist spoke of a number of additional specific incidents. Her 
descriptions and the Source's responses are provided below.

In January 1993, while sick at home from her job, the activist's boss 
was called, and told that she was videotaped at an ARA demonstration. 
Bristow said that Droege wanted a few people to call her boss to say 
that she was out demonstrating and they hoped that she did not call in 
sick. [41]

The Toronto Region Investigator said that Droege authorized the 
telephone harassment campaign, and the Source controlled it. One call 
to the activist's employer was made by Bristow, as a conference call 
with Mitrevski also on the line. The Investigator told the Source to 
try to avoid getting into that sort of situation.[42]

A mock Heritage Front flyer was distributed which listed the activist's 
home address, thus giving the impression that she was a Heritage Front 
member. The perpetrator was actually an anti-racist who was tricked into 
preparing the flyers.

The handler indicated that the Source did not distribute the hate flyer 
involving the activist. Nor did the Source threaten to fire-bomb her 
house. He was not surprised at the frequency of the harassment calls; 
he thought it was something the younger or violent members could do. [43]

The Source created a series of imaginary events which he told Heritage 
Front members had happened; e.g., he had called the anti-racists to tell 
them that a Heritage Front event was going to be at a certain place and 
to knock hard; then he would call others to say they were from the 
Neo-Nazi Welcome Wagon and the Nazis could be found at a such an such 
address. [44]

On one occasion, a Heritage Front member actually did this type of thing. 
A racist, posing as an anti-racist, called an ARA member and said that 
there was going to be a Heritage Front action at the activist's house; 
the ARA sent over a large contingent to ward off a possible Front attack.
[45] In this case, the Heritage Front used the name of an individual 
taken from Bobiwash's answering machine. Droege had said that they were 
to use that fellow's name to get the left working against the left. The 
Source said that Droege himself probably made the call. [46]

The activist said that skinheads would often sit on a bench across the 
street from her office; they would just wait there and stare at her while 
she was at her desk.

The activist was informed by others in the movement that Grant Bristow 
was responsible for making the telephone calls. She was told by ARA 
members that their "ears had pricked up" when they had heard Bristow 
speak at a meeting - they had allegedly heard the voice in harassment 
calls. [47]

We asked the Source about the harassment of the activist. He said that 
she was singled out after someone made a harassment call to Droege's 
machine. Her telephone number was compared to a master list of names 
and numbers on Bobiwash's list.

When the Review Committee checked a short Heritage Front List of callers 
which was provided to CSIS by the Source, we did not see the number that 
the activist told us she had at home during 1993. Other lists may exist 

According to the Source, the harassment telephone calls to anti-racists 
were not organized; everyone did it once they knew how to access 
answering machines, and it developed on its own. Droege harnessed it 
into a program.[48] The activist was said to be one of the last persons 

In one of the affidavits filed by Elisse Hategan on September 23, 1993, 
she recounted her perception of what had taken place:

   "[Grant] said Sister [Activist] had been under a lot of stress 
   lately, and she was on temporary leave from work. He said the 
   fact that [the Activist] had been IT caused her a lot of stress, 
   and he seemed to take credit for it. He said that [the Activist] 
   was not getting a moment in peace people were calling her in the 
   middle of the night, at all times of day and night, they'd also 
   been doing it at work, and the pressure was too much for her to 
   handle, that she had to take a leave of absence. He said he 
   thought she'd had a breakdown - in fact, he was sure of it. By 
   this time, Grant was laughing really hard and was almost in tears 
   he said she had tried very hard to hold unto sanity and not given 
   any names as of yet, but he was confident she'd break soon. He 
   said she even had people move in with her, because she was so 

After the Toronto Region Investigator expressed concern about the 
campaign against the activist, the Source tried to diminish the Front's 
interest by telling members that she had lost her job and that they 
should take the heat off her.[49] 

The Toronto handler discussed, in general, the telephone harassment 
campaign. He noted that the telephone harassment blitz started with 
quite a few people being harassed and then the procedure was narrowed 
down. At the start, everyone was phoning people on the lists they had 
collected. After about a month, the calls started to become very 
threatening and the possibility of violence occurring had become very 
real. According to the Source, by the Summer of 1993, as a result of the 
"IT" campaign, the calls had became more of an information collection 
exercise under the Source's direction.[50]

The handler noted that the Source tampered with the numbers on the lists 
of names designated for phoning. When a list of people was given to the 
Heritage Front members, some of the names and the telephone numbers were 
changed by the Source. Not all of them were changed, particularly those 
of prominent individuals such as Kevin Thomas, because suspicions would 
have been raised.[51]

The harassment calls started abating in June 1993, and finally stopped in 
November 1993. According to the Source, the harassment program was viewed 
as a major victory by the Heritage Front. His understanding was that most 
of the harassment calls ended in the Summer, and that no physical harm 
resulted from the Program. [52]

      5.9.2 The Thomas Incident 

Press accounts stated that "Kevin Thomas was made 'IT' for awhile". 
One media report stated: 

   "At first, it was simply probes for information. He was called at work 
   by a man he later realized was Bristow. "He said he was Ron Tafner, 
   and was supposedly from the Ottawa Citizen". Unable to get information 
   from him, Bristow apparently changed tactics, Thomas says. The calls - 
   made to his business - would sometimes be profane and abusive. In June 
   1993 - after bloody clashes between racists and anti-racists - Bristow 
   led a group of Front members to Thomas' Richmond Street offices and 
   told his landlord Thomas was a violent terrorist and had a record of 
   procuring children for sex.[53] 

In a The Fifth Estate interview, Thomas indicated that most of what was 
said was "just plain abuse - "he [Bristow] would Call me a repulsive 
little shithead or call me a loser, or coward, Or whatever he could think 
of". Thomas went on: 

   "When you are taking on Neo-Nazi's, you go in expecting that it's 
   going to be dirty and its gonna be violent because that's the nature 
   of a Neo-Nazi organization like the Heritage Front, but you don't 
   expect that to come from the government. You don't expect it to be 
   somebody who is actually paid to go and do that and to orchestrate 
   it and to organize other people to do it. You don't expect them to 
   have somebody paid to make phone calls, to make threats, to make 
   your life miserable."

The commentator added, "Police sources say CSIS knew exactly what 
Bristow was up to.[54]

We learned that Droege told a journalist in September 1994 that Bristow 
et al would go to Revin Thomas' office building to let Thomas know 
they were there and when they could not do that, they went to a few of 
the neighbours on the floor in the building and said 'this blackbird 
next door, you better watch them, they are anti-racists, they are 
terrorists, they procure children for sexual favours', all kinds of 
nasty stuff, right up to telling them that these individuals such as 
Kevin Thomas, were 'hooping little gerbils.' 

We asked the Source to identify who had led the effort to obtain the 
names of the ARA leaders and their home addresses. He said that Droege 
wanted him to obtain the addresses of Kevin Thomas and the other ARA 
leaders. According to the Source, the only addresses which Droege ever 
possessed were the ones he developed himself. 

According to the handler, Thomas was on a list of names subject to 
telephone harassment. Because he was so well known, the Source could 
not tamper with his telephone number.[55] The Source said that he did 
pass along information concerning the location of the ARA hotline and 
where Kevin Thomas worked. In general, the Source only provided 
information from newspaper articles which named leftists who appeared 
in Court. 

Bristow did not remember calling Thomas at his place of work, 
describing himself as a reporter from the Ottawa Citizen; though he said 
this could have been the case.[56] According to Bristow, he once called 
Thomas a "repulsive little shithead", adding that it was said in Rodney 
Bobiwash's "jocular fashion"; Thomas and Bristow were always exchanging 

The Source provided the context to the Front members' visit to Thomas' 
workplace. Droege was before the Courts, and Thomas had sent people down 
to the Court, and to a radio station show, to make derogatory statements 
about the racists. In the end, Droege was denied bail, and his people 
were angry and wanted action. The Source told them to calm down, and 
Bristow took them in a car to go on a mission to check out Kevin 
Thomas' workplace.[58] He said that they did not enter the workplace. 

According to the Source, he was not involved in identifying residences 
to be n trashed" . Dawson, Paul Graham and another couple had "spun by" 
Thomas' place in Bristow's car. The SIRC interview of Source. Source 
conveyed the message that things were under control, and at they should 
take the moral high ground and let the others get arrested (in relation 
to houses being trashed). The Source defused the situation. [59]
Regarding the alleged call to Thomas by someone posing as an Ottawa 
Citizen reporter, the Toronto Investigator said that the Source does 
not believe that Bristow made the call; there was no evidence found to 
confirm that such a call was made. The investigator had no knowledge of 
the Source going to Thomas' neighbours and complaining about him.  

      5.9.3 The Harassment of Merle Terlesky

An affidavit signed by Elisse Hategan on September 23, 1993 attested 
that activist Merle Terlesky was harassed day and night. The Review 
Committee asked the Source who organized and carried it out. He said 
that Terlesky was "talked to" by Droege and Bristow, but he was not 
aware of Terlesky ever being harassed.  

Apparently, when Barker saw information in the newspapers about a charge 
against Terlesky, he ordered gerbils to be sent to Terlesky's house. 
According to the Source, Terlesky was probably the activist on the left 
who commanded the most respect from Droege. 
      5.9.4 Involvement with the Hategan Hate Posters  

In March 1993, according to one media account, Bristow had a part in the 
production of the "Animal Series #2" flyer. Specifically, he had added 
the names and home addresses of anti-racists used on the poster, and had 
photocopied the document at Overfield's house. [60] The "Animal Series #2" 
flyer, was a poster combining the body of an ape with the head of a gorilla. 
The Heritage Front flyer is actually a doctored reproduction of a much 
earlier American racist poster.  

In October 1993, Elisse Hategan was charged with publishing defamatory 
libel, and wilful promotion of hatred. In her sworn affidavit dated 
September 23, 1993, Hategan affirmed that she was informed that Al 
Overfield produced the flyers that she was arrested for distributing.  

We have learned that Al Overfield mentioned to Droege that Bristow 
was supposed to come over (to Overfield's residence) because they were 
going to do 'Animal Series Number 2' and something about the homo 
child molester. [61] 

According to Al Overfield, Bristow actually produced the flyer on a 
copier at Overfield's house. Our investigation further revealed that 
Bristow and Droege discussed Hategan and her confusion. Bristow told 
him that Hategan wanted to figure out if it was allright to say that 
she thought Bristow was the one making up the stickers. Bristow said 
everybody in town was to be told to keep their mouth shut this time 

Droege told the Review Committee that it was Bristow's idea to put the 
names of anti-racists on the "Animal Series" posters. One of the names, 
said Droege was provided by Bristow as he "had information as to where 
the main ARA organizers were."[62] 

On February 17, 1993, we learned that Droege told Bristow that Hategan 
had been arrested for those posters that Overfield had made up. Bristow 
said they should find out how many posters had been made up and Droege 
replied that only Overfield would know that. Droege then contacted 
Overfield and told him to dispose of the Animal Life Series posters. 
Overfield said he would do that right away. 

We asked Bristow about the production and distribution of the posters. 
He indicated that he had passed some names from Droege to Overfield, 
names such as "Celeste", that were eventually used on the posters. These 
were names of anti-racists to whom the poster was attributed. Other than 
that, he had no role in the poster affair. In the case of the flyers, 
Overfield developed them, and gave them to Droege. Droege then gave 
them to Elise Hategan, who gave them to others. 

The Toronto Region Investigator said that the Source does not think 
that Bristow had any role other than to provide the ARA names to 

The Investigator said that the Source discussed Bristow's relationship 
with Hategan. He noted that Bristow used to pick on Hategan and they 
disliked each other intensely. Bristow intended to get under Hategan's 
skin. He hoped that he could force Hategan into leaving the Heritage 

      5.9.5 Bristow and the Hategan Affidavits  

On September 23, 1993, Elisse Hategan signed a number of affidavits. 
Hategan told reporters that she had "given sworn statements that 
involved Grant Bristow in harassment campaigns, but nothing had been 
done". [64] According to Hategan, "Bristow orchestrated a vicious 
harassment campaign targeting individual anti-racists".[65]

The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation stated that not only did CSIS not 
act on these allegations, but the Toronto Region Investigator made 
statements that he would discredit her. [66]

The Toronto Region Investigator denied that he made those statements, 
and was dismayed because he knows they originate with someone who was 
once a colleague. The Investigator instructed the Source to stay away 
from her, saying she was nothing but trouble. He added that he probably 
told other agencies that Hategan was not credible; at one point she had 
a very active role in the Extreme Right Movement, and she had had a 
sudden change of heart after being charged.[67]

We looked at the affidavits, and, whereas they provided background for 
our study, in one expert opinion:  

   "The assessment of the information provided was that it was 
   hearsay and in the absence of direct evidence, not sufficient 
   to support a criminal investigation."[68]

The Source was asked about the accuracy of the September 23, 1993 
affidavits, but he said that he had not seen them.[69] Wolfgang Droege, 
for his part said that Elisse "didn't lie out-right" but had a tendency 
to misread situations, and "things got twisted".' 

The Source said that Droege used to delight in telling stories to Hategan. 
For example, when he showed her sand in a jar, he said "that once she 
kills someone and they're cremated, she gets one too". Max French 
actually brought the jar of regular sand back from Libya.[71] 

      5.9.6 Sneaky Dees and the Trashing

On June 11, 1993, an estimated two hundred and fifty ARA members 
headed from downtown into the East End of Toronto by streetcar. 
"Rather than wait for a far right gathering, ARA organizers decided to 
take a proactive approach."[72] 

The demonstrators poured into a neighbourhood near Gary Schipper's 
house. Gary Schipper was believed to be the voice on the Heritage Front 
hate line. According to one ARA member, "ARA intended to 'out' Schipper, 
to expose his previously secret address to his blue collar, ethnically 
diverse neighbours."[73]

According to one article, the police were out in force, but they 
mistakenly believed that the ARA target was Ernst Zundel's house. A 
small number of ARA members "launched into their most aggressive 
action yet". 

   "A dozen masked protesters hurled rocks at Schipper's house, 
   smashing his windows and battering his door. One protester 
   threw a neighbour's tricycle through Schipper's front window, 
   and police even found human excrement among the debris 
   splattering the building."[74] 

Droege told the Committee that after the attack on Schipper's house, 
Bristow was "over at Alan Gardens agitating our people to go over to 
Sneaky Dees", the "hangout for so-called antiracists."[75] Droege said 
that he agreed, but suggested that the ARA be the aggressors and told 
Bristow to "keep them (the HF members) in line."[76] 

Bristow, Droege said, was across the street from Sneaky Dees with two 
girls and he started calling the anti-racists names which started the 
two groups fighting. Droege noted that police arrived immediately, 
almost as though they had been tipped off. [77] Droege was among 
those arrested and charged by the police for several offenses. 

According to the Source, the Heritage Front thought Zundel's house was 
going to be hit. They were using police radio scanners, and when it was 
clear that Zundel's house was not going to be hit, they headed to the 
East End. Initially, Bristow told Droege that it might be Mitrevski's 
place; then he concluded that it would be Schipper's place and he 
notified the police. 

After the house was vandalized, the Source said that he went to 
Schipper's home to get the telephone lists, the contact logs, etc. He 
persuaded Schipper to remove them from the house, and give them to him. 
The Source said that he later gave all of this in formation to the 
Toronto Region Investigator. 

The Source said that after leaving Schipper's house, Droege and Bristow 
first met in an underground garage, and then moved downtown near Gerrard 
Square and discussed their options. Droege was upset and wanted the 
strongest worded protest to go out because the Metro Police had not 

Later, said the Source, they all went to Zundel's house. Droege wanted a 
beer, but Zundel did not approve and said that everyone should go home. 
Droege was upset, but Zundel was not; it was not his house that had been 
trashed.[78] George Burdi (Church of the Creator) was present and said 
that they should take a group and lose the police. 

According to the Source, Droege and the others went to Sneaky Dees to 
have a beer. After an hour, Droege told everyone to go home. When they 
left a fight erupted with the anti-racists. The Source passed 
information as to where the attackers went to the police.[79] 

The Source did not provide Droege with the names of the demonstrators, 
but people identified some of them using videos of news accounts. 
Lincoln took still photos from the videos and they were handed out to 
Heritage Front members. Ernst Zundel's expensive equipment was used for 
this purpose.[80] 

Prior to the confrontation, the Investigator said that he had learned 
that Bristow told the HF people to settle down. George Burdi, a 
charismatic speaker, was the person who addressed the crowd in the 
park before going to Sneaky Dees.[81] 

In September 1994, Droege and Barker alleged to a journalist that Bristow 
told HF members to go down to Sneaky Dees to confront the anti-racists 
and he "pumped them up" in the park before the confrontation. 

According to Bristow, he absolutely did not tell Heritage Front members 
to go down to Sneaky Dees to confront the antiracists. George Burdi got 
out a megaphone in the park before the confrontation and rallied the 
Heritage Front people. He added that there was no confrontation until 
after the anti-racists started throwing bottles at them.[82] 

      5.9.7 The Ottawa Demonstration 

In May 1993, an estimated five hundred ARA supporters demonstrated 
outside a Heritage Front recruitment concert in Ottawa. The racist band, 
RaHoWa[83], was playing to a crowd of about 60 skinheads. What followed 
was a series of scuffles and fights involving the police, Heritage 
Front members, and Anti-Racist Action supporters. 

The Source was not present in Ottawa at the time. He had, however, been 
able to pass along "inside" information about the Anti-Racist Action 
group forming in Ottawa, and its support from Toronto. He told CSIS that 
the ARA would be sending two carloads of supporters from Toronto to 
participate in the Ottawa demonstrations. 

After the 1993 Ottawa near-riot, the Heritage Front became more militant. 
We learned that Droege confided to the source that he had instructed Grant 
Bristow to again continue a counterintelligence program against the ARA 
with the purpose of identifying the leaders and their home addresses. He 
also wanted to identify ARA meeting places for the purpose of attending 
at meetings in an effort to intimidate and/or provoke the ARA into 
further violent actions which he was confident the HF would win. 

      5.9.8 Training the Heritage Front 

Bristow made himself out to be a security expert. Certainly, he was viewed 
by Heritage Front members as the security expert, and at one point even 
conducted a pretence "sweep" of Zundel's house for hidden microphones. 
Sometimes he would talk to Front members on security matters. At one 
meeting, for example, Droege asked him to talk about the capability of 
listening devices. 

In 1993, Peter Mitrevski contacted Bristow to talk about tracing people 
through marriage certificate records. He agreed to help Mitrevski with 
the marriage certificate technique, but knew that it was far more 
complicated than the book which Mitrevski had bought, made it appear.
[84] Mitrevski was apparently trying to locate Bill Dunphy as he had 
recently purchased an instruction manual on how to track people and 
obtain information from various government records.

Droege asked Bristow to demonstrate the criss-cross directories to the 
Fisher brothers, but his instructions resulted in their being unable to 
understand how to use them. 

At one point Fischer wanted Bristow to give a lecture on basic security 
techniques. The information he conveyed came from open sources. 

Bristow gave COTC members a lecture on basic security. He told them that 
they should not get an answering machine with a two digit remote code. 
He suggested that they get unlisted telephone numbers and voice-mail. 
He also suggested that they use post office boxes as the addresses for 
their Drivers Licences.[85]

According to the Source, Bristow never gave Front or Church members 
significant or sophisticated security information. He told people in the 
Front to put up aluminum on their windows to deter parabolic microphones 
and some of them actually did so. And at one point, he had Dawson 
writing messages using a code book and one time pads. This kept Dawson 

We asked Bristow if he had taught any actual intelligence tradecraft to 
the Heritage Front or Church of the Creator members. He said that he had 
not. To avoid surveillance, he had instructed the Heritage Front members 
to walk for some distance and then to turn around and walk back.[87]

      5.9.9 Miscellaneous Issues

A reporter knew of an incident in which a woman's tires were slashed but 
he was not certain who had done it. According to the Source, he learned 
that a woman's tires had been slashed from the hotline and from his 
handler. He had no personal knowledge of the act but he thought it might 
have been committed by Droege. Droege would go out three or four nights 
a week for the bailiff company and he needed an assistant after Bristow 
left, so he took on Mitrevski. In fact, both Dawson and Mitrevski were 
used as drivers for Droege's repossession business.[88] 

A reporter asked Droege if Bristow was involved in the firebombing of 
Mona Zetner's house and Droege said that he did not believe so. The 
Source also stated that he did not know who bombed Mona Zetner's 

Wolfgang Droege alleged that Bristow planned to break into Hategan's 
house in June or July 1993. We have no evidence that this was the case.

   5.10 Harrassment and Contact with Jewish Groups

When the media stories about CSIS and the Heritage Front first aired in 
mid-August 1994, they significantly increased the already high level of 
fear in Jewish communities, particularly in Toronto which has Canada's 
biggest Jewish population.[90] Jewish Communities around the world were 
still reeling from the bombing of a Jewish community centre in Buenos 
Aires. Of particular concern were the allegations that Grant Bristow 
might have passed on the names of Jewish community leaders to the 
white supremacist movement. 

A representative of B'nai Brith said that he felt a sense of betrayal, 
that CSIS "may have turned into an instrument which has helped to 
promote hatred and racism in this countzy", [91] With these concerns in 
mind, the Review Committee investigated the allegations pertaining to 
the Jewish-community. 

      5.10.1 Strategy Towards Jewish Groups

We asked the Source about the Heritage Front's strategy towards Jewish 
groups. He said that the Heritage Front had no general position 
regarding Jewish groups. Wolfgang Droege perceived the Jewish Lobby to 
be too big an opponent for him to confront. Droege, said the Source, 
knew that he did not have enough resources to fight the Jewish groups.[92]

The Source believed that Droege's personal feelings were that the Jewish 
groups represented an enemy lobby, and that they fere responsible for 
multi-racial schools and race mixing. He would monitor them through the 
Jewish community newspapers such as the "Covenant", the "Canadian Jewish 
News", and "Forward". 

Droege's aim was to get back at the Jews through political lobbying. Others 
in the movement, however, did not understand his strategy. The Aryan 
Nations believed, for example, that they were the last tribe of the real 
Jews and they pushed Droege to take physical action. Gerry Lincoln, 
closely associated with Ernst Zundel, would constantly defend the 
message of Holocaust denial.[93]

We asked the Source about his dealings with Bernie Farber, the National 
Director of Community Relations with the Canadian Jewish Congress. The 
Source never talked much to Farber, but saw him in Court. 

The Church of the Creator, Droege, and the skinheads all believed, said 
the Source, that Farber was the major enemy of the Heritage Front, and he 
was certainly the most reviled of all their "enemies". There was a major 
effort to find Farber's residence, but the Source did not help, and the 
HF never succeeded. The Source said that he could have found it easily 
if he had wanted to.[94]

      5.10.2 1993 Mayor's Committee Meeting    

On April 4, 1993, B'nai Brith lawyer Marvin Kurz, a member of the Toronto 
Mayor's Committee on Community and Race Relations attended an orientation 
for new members of the group. There, he told the Review Committee, a 
person who he thought might have been Grant Bristow tried to intimidate 
him by looming over him, implying that he knew where he lived, and 
staring at the lawyer.[95] 

Prior to the meeting, Kurz had written a letter, with his address in the 
heading, to Droege threatening to sue for libel based on Front hateline 
statements about the B'nai Brith staff. The Front had offered a retraction. 

At the Mayor's meeting, Kurz said, Droege pulled him over and another 
person, who Kurz thought might be Bristow, stood over Kurz saying, 
"we thought you lived in Brampton", Kurz wondered if they would follow 
him home. He said that Janice Dembo, Coordinator of the Mayor's 
Committee, saw him standing there with another person and Droege, and 
she took Kurz out the back way.[96]

Janice Dembo recalls that Burdi, Lemire, Barker and Droege tried to 
disrupt the meeting, assuming it was the same one that Kurz referred to. 
Kurz came up to Dembo and said that the HF was "hassling him and he kept 
going on about Droege and Barker." He was in an agitated state, and she 
had others escort him out of the building. She does not specifically 
remember extricating him, although she says it is possible.[97]

Kurz was not positive that Bristow was involved and, indeed, his memory 
was only jogged in the wake of the press allegations in 1994, when 
Wolfgang Droege called him. Droege offered to help Kurz lay a 
complaint against Bristow based on the incident.[98]

Wolfgang Droege would later tell the Review Committee that, for him, 
it was important to keep in touch with his opponents, and to be able 
to discuss differences. He alleged that he was having a peaceful 
conversation when Bristow showed up on the scene, "got into the man's 
(Kurz's) face", and was generally menacing. Kurz was a small man, and 
he sought protection.[99]

According to Bristow, he said to Droege, "don't talk with that low 
life, let's get out of here." At that point, Metro Toronto Police 
officers were standing at Grant Bristow's shoulder and he was not 
about to make a commotion. Droege then said that "Marvin Kurz is not a 
bad guy", and went and had his picture taken with Michael Lublin 
(see Chapter V, section 5.6.1). 

Bristow does not think there was another incident in which he might 
have intimidated Kurz. According to Bristow, he had every opportunity 
to harass Kurz if he had wanted to; he lived near to Kurz at the time 
and knew his address from his letterhead.[100]

      5.10.3 The Jewish Studant Network Incident

On May 6, 1993, Grant Bristow approached the President of the Jewish 
Students' Network (JSN) who was participating in a demonstration 
outside the Ontario Attorney General's office in Toronto. The protest 
by the Jewish Student Network concerned the provincial government not 
moving quickly enough on hate crimes prosecution/legislation. She said 
that she recognized Wolfgang Droege and Peter Mitrevski in the crowd.[101]

The President was handing out her business card to the media and gave one 
to a "Trevor Graham", who, she said represented himself as a reporter 
for the "Ottawa Citizen" and a writer for the "Canadian Press". Trevor 
Graham was Grant Bristow.[102] 

The next day, on May 7, 1993, "Graham" called her, identified himself and, 
in the course of the discussion, said that he had had a conversation with 
Wolfgang Droege. He described the conversation in such a friendly way 
"with the Nazi" that she became suspicious. She pretended, nevertheless, 
to be friendly despite her Suspicions.[103]

During her conversation with him, Graham (Bristow) did not ask about 
information the Network possessed on white supremacists. He did ask about 
how the group was organized and the names of the students who worked 
there. She felt these were not appropriate questions.[104] 

She was not sure how her conversation with "Graham" ended; she telephoned 
the "Ottawa Citizen" and the "Canadian Press" that day and they both 
indicated that they had never heard of "Graham". She then spoke to the 
B'nai Brith and the Canadian Jewish Congress. Several days later, she 
went to Bernie Farber's office at the Canadian Jewish Congress, where 
she looked through an album of photos of racists. She recognized 
Bristow from his photo in a Toronto Sun story.[105]

Bernie Farber called author Warren Kinsella to find out if Trevor Graham 
was associated with him.[106] Warren Kinsella said he had no connection 
with Graham and complained to the Ottawa Police that Grant Bristow had 
been using his name to seek information from Jewish groups. The Ottawa 
Police informed Kinsella that the incident was in the Metro Toronto 
Police Force's jurisdiction. Approximately two weeks later, the Ottawa 
Police checked with their Toronto counterparts and learned that Kinsella 
had filed a complaint. The basis for the complaint was that: 

   "Bristow had claimed to be working for Kinsella in researching 
   Kinsella's latest book; enquiring about the organization's 
   knowledge of skinheads and the White Supremacist movements. Bristow 
   also requested access to their files."  

The Metro Toronto Police Force received a FAX from Warren Kinsella about 
the incident and, on review, concluded that no criminal offense had been 
committed; the Crown could not establish prima facie case. No report was 
filed as there was no offense in the Criminal Code to cover it:
Trevor Graham did not exist.

When "The Heritage Front Affairn became public knowledge, the Metro 
Toronto Police Intelligence Unit resubmitted the information to the 
Crown. The feedback they received was that there was no "personation" 
because there was no such person as Graham. No formal complaint had been 
submitted by a Jewish group.

According to Bristow's account, he volunteered to collect information 
on the periphery of the demonstration. Members of the Church of the 
Creator and the Heritage Front had been starting to merge and Bristow 
did not want to be on the front lines as there was a good chance the 
media would be there. He asked Droege, "why don't I wander around the 
crowd to find out who is here."[108]
Droege's version is that Bristow "felt it was important or us to find 
out as to what information they possessed. So he's going to try to 
infiltrate them or at least try to gather information from them."[109]
Bristow said that he approached a woman who identified rself as the 
President of the Jewish Student's Network. Bristow does not remember the 
name he gave. During the brief discussion, Bristow received a business 
card with the Network's address and a telephone number. He said that he 
had no reason to ask for it, but he did not object to providing it.[110]  

Bristow said to the Review Committee that he had no desire to pursue 
the matter further, but Droege said that he should find out more about 
the group, for example how many members they had. He told Bristow to 
call her to learn more of this kind of information. Droege also wanted 
to know what others knew about him and the right wing, as he was facing 
numerous tribunals.[111]

From the business card, they realized that the Student Network
office was located in close promimity to other Jewish
organizations, and Droege thought that maybe Bernie Farber was
secretly controlling the group. Droege thought that Farber was
capable of using "cutouts". Droege believed that the President
of the Jewish Students' Network was, in fact, an agent of
Bernie Farber, because he had seen them together on other

Bristow said that he called the President of the Jewish
Students' Network but not for the purpose of obtaining
information to target people. He purposely gave her good
reason to be suspicious by saying that "Droege was not such a
bad guy." She gave him no information. He then went back to
Droege and said, "I think they are suspicious, Wolfgang."[113]

The Source said that he was sure that he had told the
Investigator of Bristow's meeting and telephone call to the
President of the Jewish Students' Network.

According to the Toronto Region Investigator, he was informed
about the Jewish Students' Network event immediately after it
occurred. CSIS had issued a threat assessment concerning the
Heritage Front visit to Marianne Boyd's office. The Source
called the Investigator and said that Bristow had talked to
the President of the Jewish Students' Network using the name
Trevor Graham. Bristow did not directly say he was working for

      5.10.4 Two Incidents

Two incidents were described to the Committee which involved
community events in Toronto, and about which we received
contradictory information regarding the presence of Grant
Bristow and the Jewish Students' Network.

On June 8, 1993, the Simon Wiesenthal Centre organized a
presentation at the Ontario Institute for Studies in
Education.[114] The event featured a lecture by Yarom Svoray
on his infiltration of neo-Nazi groups in Germany. The
President of the Jewish Students' Network said that she was
certain that she saw George Burdi and Joe Talic of the Church
of the Creator there and that the security personnel were
informed. [115]

She thought that Bristow was also present, but she could not
be absolutely certain that it was him as she had seen him only
once before. Talic was asked to present his identification,
and the group was asked to leave.[116] Bristow told the Review
Committee that he does not believe he was there.[117]

The second incident took place in May 1993, and involved the
harrassment of B'nai Brith officials. During that month, a
public "anti-hate" symposium took place at Harbourfront in

B'nai Brith officials stated that the ARA and the Heritage
Front were both present, and confronted one another. Droege
and Burdi asked some abusive questions implying that Jews were
racist. Wolfgang Droege asked most of the questions.[118]

An anti-fascist demonstration started, and the B'nai Brith
participants found themselves in between the two sides. Police
had to separate the potential combatants. According to the
B'nai Brith, Bristow was present at the encounter and was
using the name Trevor Graham, but they did not remember if he
stayed for the remainder of the meeting after the HF people

According to Bristow, he had met the Heritage Front group at
Union Station prior to entering the Harbourfront Symposium.
When he entered, he said, he saw that the President of the
Jewish Students' Network was there. He left after about three
or four minutes, as he did not want her to see him with the
Heritage Front group.[120] Bristow thinks that he left by
himself. The President of the Jewish Students' Network has
informed the Review Committee that she did not attend the
Harbourfront Symposium.

      5.10.5 Other 1993 Incidents

_B'nai Brith_. The Source said that he had no knowledge of the telephone 
harassment campaign against Karen Mock which took place after the May 
1993 Harbourfront Symposium.[121] He said that Schipper was the one who 
initiated, wrote, and dictated most of the messages on the hotline. The 
actual message concerning Mock and the B'nai Brith used on the hate line 
was written by Schipper, but the Source did not know who instructed him to 
do so. Droege, and to a lesser extent, Lincoln[122], were the main 
influences on Gary Schipper. The Source stayed away from dealing with 
the hotline.[123]

_Vancouver Leader_. The allegation was made in 1992 that Front members 
circulated the unlisted telephone number and address of a prominent 
Vancouver Canadian Jewish Congress leader, Dr. Michael Elterman. 

Bernie Farber of the Canadian Jewish Congress referred to the media 
stories about Elterman's name being circulated among the extreme right. 
Whereas the name was not listed in the public telephone directory, it was 
published in the Vancouver Jewish community telephone book, which was not 
difficult to obtain. Farber said that Elterman was concerned about a 
large bloodstain that appeared on his porch around the time that Bristow 
was supposed to have met McAleer in Vancouver.[124] 

Bristow said that he knew absolutely nothing about Elterman. His 
statement is supported by Droege's testimony before the Review Committee. 

We learned that on August 25, 1994, Tony McAleer told Droege that he had 
the address of Elterman, and could say that Bristow gave it to him, but 
McAleer speculated that they could get into trouble if Bristow ever 
surfaced and spoke up. Droege told McAleer that no-one would believe 
Bristow. [125] 

_Voice Hate Mail_. Bernie Farber said that he was called at the Canadian 
Jewish Congress on June 22, 1993. A caller with a heavily muffled, deep 
voice said, "you fucking Jew", "I'm gonna fucking kill you", "fucking 
goof" . We asked the Source about the call. He said that it probably 
came from a younger member.[126] We were unable to determine, 
definitively, who in the Front was most likely to have used the 
expression "fucking goof". One member certainly used the expression 
often, but others sometimes did as well. 

_Parking Lot Camping_. We were informed that the media were going to 
allege that Bristow had camped out in the Canadian Jewish Congress 
parking lot, and that he copied licence plate numbers which he then 

We have learned that Droege provided false information about Bristow to 
the reporter involved. 

Grant Bristow stated that he never recorded licence numbers, and there 
was only one incident in which he stopped near the Canadian Jewish 
Congress parking lot. Furthermore, if anyone else had collected that 
information, they would have given the plate numbers to Bristow to 
process, but Bristow said that he never received any.[127]

The Source said that on one occasion, James Scott Dawson parked his car, 
went into the CJC building, and bluffed his way into Farber's office.[128]

_The Threat_. In one instance, the CSIS Source learned of a possible 
threat of serious physical violence to leaders of the Jewish community in 
October 26, 1993. Droege confided to the Source that Barker had told him 
that a Heritage Front member had been planning to walk into the CJC 
offices at 4600 Bathurst Street, Toronto and 'take out some people'. 

It was the Source's opinion that the primary target was to be Bernie 
Farber. He also stated that Droege was concerned about this type of plan 
but he was laughing about it. The Source said that he was shocked by this 
revelation, but he did not pursue the subject with Droege. Droege also 
mentioned to the Source that he would like to see a couple of high 
profile Jews assassinated as that would act as a deterrent to others who 
are constantly harassing the Heritage Front (HF).129 

The member was associating with the "French Cruller" gang; Ken Barker, 
Phil Grech, and, peripherally, Marc Lemire (The Donut Shop Gang). An 
associate of the Heritage Front, the member had secretly aligned himself 
with the Church of Aryan Nations Jesus Christ. He had also set up a 
telephone line with hate messages. The Source created hurdles in the 
planning for violence by saying that more people were needed to carry it 
out, that it wasn't a good idea, that it would take a long time, and 
other reasons designed to dissuade the Heritage Front member.[130]

CSIS passed the information about the Heritage Front member's plan 
to the Metro Toronto Police on October 29, 1993. 

According to the Source, the member appeared to be unstable. Instead of 
attacking the CJC, he and his associates subsequently held up a donut 
shop and stole a small amount of money. 

      5.10.6 Information on Jewish Groups 

Droege, in his testimony to the Review Committee, said: 

   "My problem with the Jewish community is sometimes its 
   leadership. They constantly go on about persecution. I 
   don't feel that anyone owes anyone anything."[132]

Wolfgang Droege told the Committee that Bristow was the person who 
collected information on Jewish groups: 

   "more or less names, addresses, who is who within an organization, 
   where some of the funding may come from, that type of 

Droege said that most of the information that he received the B'nai 
Brith, for example, was from public records, and he was not sure if 
Bristow ever obtained any big secrets. The information was mainly 
someone's home address, position, travel plans and source of funds 
(e.g. government funds). Droege said that knew how to dig up 
We found very little information about specific individuals. In one case, we 
learned that Grant Bristow told Droege that an anti-racist was possibly 
harassing Ken Barker's line. Barker had given Bristow a telephone number 
that had appeared on his Maestro, and Bristow traced it back to the activist.  

The Review Committee learned that the Source, using the pseudonym Jeff 
Taylor, a journalist, talked with Michael Lublin. The Source learned that 
the Kahane Chai organization, which is headed by Benny Kahane, is growing 
around the world. Lublin said the group seems to be responsible for a lot 
of activity which was formally carried out by the JDL. According to Lublin, 
Benny Kahane's organization was thinking of opening a chapter in Toronto 
and he would be in Toronto the following week.  

We asked the Source about the kinds of information collected on Jewish 
groups and their leaders. The Source stated that Zundel tasked [sic] 
Bristow to obtain specific information about the names, work places, 
home addresses, telephone numbers, and profiles of pmominent Jewish 
individuals and groups.[135]  

Zundel said that he needed the addresses of members of the Jewish 
community so that he could serve subpoenas, but the Source said that 
Bristow did not believe this. Bristow told Zundel that he might be able 
to get the information but that it would cost money. As a result, Zundel 
said he would accept simply the work addresses.  

Zundel also asked for information on specific individuals. He told 
Bristow that he wanted information from 1989 through 1990 about what 
Meir Halevi's (Jewish Defense League) addresses were, his kids, family, 
cars driven, his real name, and  business.[136]

The Source was asked to help Zundel to obtain the names and addresses of 
every Jewish leader from Quebec to Winnipeg. When told about this request 
from Zundel, the Toronto Region Investigator had said, "don't do it, 
stall." The handler then told the Source to find out what he could from 
open sources. He was to give Zundel only work addresses and telephone 
numbers that came from the telephone book or from dialling 411. 

According to the Source, the day-to-day information on the Jewish lobby 
and other groups came from television shows, and subscriptions to Jewish 
publications which were collected daily. This type of information 
processing began long before the Source was on the scene. It was done by 
everybody and it was a standard operating procedure for Zundel, Lincoln, 
Droege, and Max French. 

The Source said that Zundel gave Bristow a thick file on the Jewish 
Defence League in compensation for electronically sweeping Zundel's 
house.[137] The Source, in turn, gave the file to CSIS. It was all 
public information (mostly news clippings) but he did not pass it along 
to others in the organization.[138] 

We asked the Source what actions he personally participated in regarding 
Jewish groups, and what knowledge he had of what others did. The Source 
said that he only provided open material, and that Zundel sometimes gave 
Bristow information.[139] 

Zundel told the Review Committee that the information that he received 
was "publicly available" and it was only a matter of convenience that he 
obtained it from Bristow. He went on to say "it was nothing he couldn't 
have found himself."[140] 

The Source was asked if he ever provided information on members of the 
Jewish community to White Supremacists in the United States. He said that 
he absolutely did not pass information on members of the Jewish community 
to white supremacists in the United States; and, specifically, that he 
absolutely did not provide information on any Heritage Front target groups 
or individuals to Tom Metzger He added that Gerry Lincoln sometimes gave 
information to Tom Metzger about Canadian Jews but as far as he knew, they 
usually received such information from Zundel.[141] He added that Grant 
Bristow never provided information to White Supremacists in the United 
States. Lincoln denied ever giving information about Canadian Jews to 
the Metzgers. 

In regard to the Metzgers (see chapter IX, section 9.2.2), the Review 
Committee learned that Droege plotted with colleagues and associates to 
tell the media that Bristow also gave Metzger documents on Jewish groups 
in Canada and on Jews and on other leftist organizations. The statements 
reveal that this was part of a plot to manipulate the media. Droege would 
later tell the Committee, "At least Tom Metzger told me that Grant 
Bristow provided him information, but I don't have mny first hand 
knowledge of it."[142] 

The Source was asked if he had ever given anyone information on the Jewish 
community which they then passed to other White Supremacists. He said that 
he definitely did not do so. He noted that Droege tried on many occasions 
to find out where Bernie Farber lived but he never succeeded and the 
Source did not help.[143] 

We asked the Investigator about the overall information strategy. He said 
that the idea was for the Source to control (and obstruct) the collection 
of information and, if things went beyond his control, to be the funnel for 
that information, and, therefore, be in a position to advise the Service 
and ask for instructions.[144] 

      5.10.7 The Security Training School 

When the Review Committee met with B'nai Brith officials, they said 
that they were concerned that Bristow had set up a training facility in 
a predominantly Jewish section of Toronto. 

The concern was threefold: 

   *  that the school was being used to teach 
      security skills to racists; 
   *  that the school might be used to recruit new 
      Heritage Front members; and 
   *  that the school would generate money for 
      the Heritage Front.[145]

In November 1992, Grant Bristow was identified in the media as a Heritage 
Front leader. As a result of this publicity, he lost his regular 
employment. Shortly afterwards, he set up a course in security training. 

Bristow said that he conducted only one security course. There were six 
students in the class: a Black, an East Indian, a Jew and three others. 
Among the six were a retired IBM programmer and troubleshooter, an 
individual who used to be in the securities area, two individuals in 
the transport business, and an employee of a large optical (binoculars) 
business. In the end, two of the six students completed the course and 
landed jobs. 

At his school, which was advertised in a newspaper, Bristow taught his 
students a wide array of skills. For surveillance techniques, they 
practised near Dixie Road and the 401; a commercial district including 
truck yards. When people in the Heritage Front learned that he was running 
a course, they wanted to join, but he stalled them. In one instance, 
however, he used a few Front members as a decoy in a vehicle surveillance 
exercise.[146] This was the sole case, Bristow said, of Heritage Front 
participation in the course. 

   5.11 The Morgentaler Bombing

On May 18, 1992, the Morgentaler abortion clinic in Toronto was 
firebombed. Graffiti identifying the Heritage Front was found on a 
nearby wall. Heritage Front members were interviewed by the police. 

The Committee learned that Droege stated that Bristow had told him that 
no one in the HF was under suspicion but Andrews had told the police to 
look into the HF. Mitrevski said he did not believe that and he thought 
that Bristow was causing the same kind of dissention in the right wing 
as he caused within the left wing. 

The Source thinks that the bombing was by a left wing activist to make 
the government take action against the antiabortionists. Both Bristow 
and Droege were interviewed by the Morgentaler Task Force.[147] There 
is nothing in CSIS files to suggest who the culprit was. 

   5.12 Contacts with the Police

Media reports suggest that Bristow, as a Heritage Front member, made use 
of police information. Bristow, within the Heritage Front, was very 
secretive about how he obtained his information, and often said to his 
racist colleagues that he had personal police sources. 

   5.12.1 CPIC Information 

We questioned Bristow on this matter. He denied ever having approached 
members of the Metro Toronto Police Force to obtain Canadian Police 
Information Centre (CPIC) information. He says he did not need information 
from CPIC, and, in any case, he rarely operated within the jurisdiction of 
that police force. Much of the time, he would pass information to the 
police through his full-time employment duties. 

Bristow stressed that he never used CPIC for the Heritage Front. Droege was 
told, falsely, that Bristow used CPIC information to find cars. As regards 
CPIC printouts, he said that no policeman would be so mentally deficient as 
to give a print-out of a CPIC report, because it identifies the individual 
who accesses the report. He said that police sometimes showed him 
information, in the course of his investigations for his employer, but this 
was never CPIC information. [148] 

Alan Overfield, Droege's employer told SIRC that he knew that Bristow 
received CPIC information. He said that every investigator has contacts: 
police, the telephone company, and others. These contacts help them to 
obtain information for their tracing activities. CPIC material, he said 
would be used for tough cases and could provide, for example, court dates 
when their quarry would show up.[149] 

Overfield said that he was amazed that Bristow had complete CPIC 
print-outs: some 300 over the years 1990 - 1993 he estimated. When we 
asked Overfield for examples, he responded that Bristow never let him 
keep them. He said that he could not remember a single name of any of the 
subjects of the investigations.[150]

Wolfgang Droege told the Committee that he did not know if any CPIC 
information was acquired by Bristow. [151] 

A Detective of the Ottawa Police Service told SIRC that using CPIC to 
collect information is not particularly useful: addresses are rarely 
listed; Court dates are no longer given; convictions and sentences are 
provided; but the information is almost always out of date.[152] 

CPIC members are subject to random audits; the RCMP even audits its own 
detachments. All CPIC queries or printouts can be traced to a particular 
machine, and logs are kept. 

We found no information from the Source in CSIS files that Bristow had 
ever obtained CPIC information. 

      5.12.2 Police Communications

The Source was asked about the monitoring of police communications. He 
noted that Bristow would constantly tell the Heritage Front that he would 
monitor police communications, but Paul Graham did most of this. Eric 
Fischer provided scanning devices and metal detectors, using money from 
his military severance pay and his savings.[153] 

When the American white supremacists were in town, the Source would pick 
them up and put the Mitre 5 scanner on to see if the police were 
following them. In fact, the information he was picking up was quite 
irrelevant. The Americans thought it was important though, and they had 
a sense of security.[154] 

Bristow, and Front "security" were often seen with handheld 
walkie-talkies. According to Bristow, Eric Fischer, an ex-member of the 
Canadian Airborne Regiment, ran physical security for Heritage Front 
meetings. Fischer used two-way communications systems; Bristow had 
contributed three hand held radios which did not work well.[155] 

One of the stories Bristow told Front members was that he had special 
sources of information, and that he was always running licence plate 
numbers. Bristow said that he had not run any licence plates through the 
Motor Vehicle Bureau for the Heritage Front. Droege, on the other hand, 
had access to Overfield's account while Bristow did not, and it was a 
regular practice for Droege to run the plate numbers when Zundel wanted 


1.  Letter from P.
2.  The Heritaae Front ReDort: 1994, pp. 5-6, prepared by the 
    League of Buman Rights of B'nai Brith, Canada.
3.  Zundel stated "that is absolutely nonsense".
4.  SIRC interview of Source.
5.  SIRC interview of Source.
6.  The Heritage Front Report: 1994, pp. 5-6, prepared by the League 
    of Human Rights of B'nai Brith, Canada. 
7.  This Magazine, February 23, 1992.
8.  "I Hate You Back" by Clive Thompson, This Maaazine, November 1994.
9.  "I Hate You Back" by Clive Thompson, This Magazine, November 1994.
10. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
11. "I Hate You Back" by Clive Thompson, This Maqazine, pp. 16-21, 
    November 1994 
12. "I Hate You Back" by Clive Thompson, This Magazine, p. 18, 
    November 1994.
13. "I Hate You Back" by Clive Thompson, This Magazine, pp 16-21,
    November 1994. 
14. SIRC interview of former Principal of Riverdale Collegiate.
15. SIRC interview of Handler
16. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 
17. SIRC interview of Source.
18. SIRC interview of Source.
19. SIRC interview of Droege. 
20. Eric Fischer indicates that, in fact, the MIGHTS Directory 
    was "pretty simple" to use.
21. SIRC interview of Source.
22. Affidavit of Charlene Elisse Hategan, September 23, 1993.
23. Toronto Sun. "Spy Unmasked", August 14, 1994.
24. SIRC interview of Source 
25. Droege denies this allegation.
26. Droege denies this allegation.
27. SIRC interview of Source.
28. SIRC interview of Source.
29. SIRC interview of Source. 
30. Droege indicated to SIRC that Bristow had told him he had 
    made harassment phone calls.
31. SIRC interview of Source.
32. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
33. During this period, there was an anti-racist rally which started at 
    the corner of Church and Wellesley, and moved to Yonge street. There 
    was also a January 1993 demonstration planned by "East Toronto 
    Organizing Against Racism and Hate." 
34. Zundel indicated that he did ask people to monitor marches in 
    order to protect his house against attacks
35. SIRC interview of Source.
36. SIRC interview of Source.
37. SIRC interview of Source.
38. SIRC interview of Source.
39. SIRC interview of Source.
40. SIRC interariew of Source.
41. SIRC interview of Bristow.
42. SIRC interview of Handler.
43. SIRC interview of Handler.
44. SIRC interview of Source.
45. SIRC interview of Anti-Racist Activist.
46. SIRC interview of Source.
47. SIRC interview of Anti-Racist Activist.
48. SIRC interview with Source. 
49. SIRC interview of Source. 
50. SIRC interview of Handler. 
51. SIRC interview of Handler. 
52. SIRC interview of Source. 
53. Toronto Sun, August 14, 1994. 
54. The Fifth Estate. October 4, 1994
55. SIRC interview of handler. 
56. SIRC interview of Source. 
57. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
58. SIRC interview of Source.
59. SIRC interview of Source.  
60. Toronto Sun, October 4, 1994. 
63. SIRC interview of Handler.  
64. Toronto Star, September 30, 1994.  
65. Toronto Sun, August 14, 1994.  
66. The Fifth Estate stated that "When Elisse came out and said she was 
    going to tell the truth, CSIS was saying they were going to get out 
    and discredit her because at least Hategan was pointing the finger 
    at Grant Bristow... we'll tear her to shreds".  
67. SIRC interview of Handler.  
68. October 28, 1994. 
69. SIRC interview of Source. 
70. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege. 
71. SIRC interview of Source. 
72. "I Hate You Back" by Clive Thompson, This Maqazine, p. 21, November 1994. 
73. "I Hate You Back", This Mavazine, p. 21, November edition.
74. "I Hate You Back", This Maqazine, p. 21, November edition. 
75. SIRC Hearing, wolfgang Droege.
76. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege. 
77. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege. 
78. Zundel said that such a statement about Shipper's house would be 
    callous, and he did not make it. 
79. SIRC interview of Source. 
80. SIRC interview of Source. Zundel noted that they used videos and 
    still photography for possible legal action against individuals 
    harassing them. 
81. SIRC interview of Handler. 
82. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
83. Racial Holy War. 
84. SIRC interview of Bristow.
85. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
86. SIRC interview of Source.
87. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
88. SIRC interview of Source. 
89. SIRC interview of Source. 
90. SIRC interview of Bernie Farber, National Director of Community 
    Relations, Canadian Jewish Congress. 
91. Frank Dimant quoted in the Globe and Mail, Elizabeth Payne "Spy 
    Agency placed Jewish lives in Danger", September 10, 1994. 
92. SIRC interview of Source.
93. Lincoln denies this statement. 
94. SIRC interview of Source. 
95. SIRC interview of Marvin Kurz. 
96. SIRC interview of Marvin Kurz. 
97. SIRC interview with Janice Dembo, Co-ordinator, Toronto Mayor's 
    Committee on Community and Race Relations. 
98. SIRC interview of Marvin Kurz.
99. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege. 
100. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
101. SIRC interview of the President of the Jewish Students' Network. 
107. SIRC interview of Metropolitxn Toronto Police Porce.  
108. SIRC interview of Bristow.  
109. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.  
110. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow. 
111. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow. 
112. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow. 
113. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow. 
114. SIRC interview of Sol Littman, Simon Wiesenthal Centre
115. SIRC interview of the President of the Jewish Students' Network.
116. SIRC interview of the President of the Jewish Students' Network.
117. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow. 
118. SIRC interview of Frank Dimant and Dr. Karen Mock, B'nai Brith
119. SIRC interview of Frank Dimant and Dr. Karen Mock, B'nai Brith
120. SIRC interview of Bristow.
121. SIRC interview of Frank Dimant and Dr. Raren Mock, B'nai Brith. 
122. Lincoln said he never told Schipper anything about Mock. 
123. SIRC interview of Source. 
124. SIRC interview of Bernie Farber. McAleer said he had absolutely 
     no knowledge of the incident. 
125. Droege denies having said that. MzAleer said he did not commit 
     any illegalities and he said he did not counsel others to do so. 
126. SIRC interview of Source. 
127. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow. 
128. SIRC interview of Source. 
129. Droege denies having said that. 
130. SIRC interview of Source. 
131. SIRC interview of Source. 
132. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. Droege also went on to say that 
     he questioned "certain aspects of the Holocaust...But I certainly 
     believe there should be a debate." 
133. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 
134. SIRC interview of Droege.  
135. Zundel denies this allegation.  
136. SIRC interview of Source. 
137. Zundel noted that the file was about 20 pages of open
     source information. It had previously been provided by him to
     the Metropolitan Toronto Police Force.
138. SIRC interview of Source
139. SIRC interview of Source
140. SIRC interview of Ernst Zundel 
141. SIRC interview of Source. Zundel noted that such individuals were 
     on his mailing list, and received his newsletter, videos, etc. 
     He specifically denied passing information to them concerning the 
     Jewish Community in Canada. 
142. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege. 
143. SIRC interview of Source.
144. SIRC interview of Handler.
145. SIRC interviews of officials in the B'nai Brith and 
     Canadian Jewish Congress. 
146. James Dawson, Paul Graham, and Tyrone Alexander Mason. 
147. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
148. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
149. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield. 
150. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
151. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
152. SIRC interview of Ottawa Police Service. 
153. Eric Fischer said the money was from his employment, and 
     donations from other members of the security group. 
154. SIRC interview of Bristow.
155. SIRC interview of Bristow. 
156. Droege stated that he never provided such information to Zundel. 
     Zundel denied that he had ever asked for any licence numbers to 
     be run.

Home ·  Site Map ·  What's New? ·  Search Nizkor

© The Nizkor Project, 1991-2012

This site is intended for educational purposes to teach about the Holocaust and to combat hatred. Any statements or excerpts found on this site are for educational purposes only.

As part of these educational purposes, Nizkor may include on this website materials, such as excerpts from the writings of racists and antisemites. Far from approving these writings, Nizkor condemns them and provides them so that its readers can learn the nature and extent of hate and antisemitic discourse. Nizkor urges the readers of these pages to condemn racist and hate speech in all of its forms and manifestations.