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<         Mathias Beer,>
<"Die Entwicklung der Gaswagen beim Mord an den Juden">
<   Miszelle>
< Vierteljahreshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte, 37 (3), pp. 403-417>


                        [Title Page]


    Pre/Re-print of  part 3/1987

Page One, p.403


                         MATHIAS BEER


The gas-van is a special product of the Third Reich, it is a
van   with  a  gas-tight  cabin/container-box/superstructure
mounted on its chassis/understructure used to kill people by
the  motor-exhausts led into that cabin. The designation was
coined  only  later: "_Gaswagen_ [Gas-van] -  that  was  the
common word only afterwards/later". [1]

In  the  contemporaneous documents the  designation  doesn't
arise.      There      the      words     _Sonder-Wagen_[2],
_Sonderfahrzeug_[3],   _Spezialwagen_[4]  and   _S-Wagen_[5]
[Special van, special vehicle] are used. In a letter  dating
from  April 11th 1942 with hindsight to camouflage the  word
_Entlausungswagen_  [delousing-van] is used.[6]

There are in all fourteen documents related to that complex,
allowing    to   assess   which   types   of    vans    were
transformed/rebuilt  into gas-vans and  providing  technical
data  on  the container/cabin/superstructure. The  documents
give  informations about the producers/vendors of the  vans,
about  technical  improvements due to practical  experience,
about the operation

Page Two, p.404

and  the operating locations of different vans, moreover the
responsible official services and individuals in  charge  of
the  employment  of  gas-vans  are  named.  Hence  a  rather
detailed   picture   emerges   which   is,   however,    not
exhaustive/complete as documents are available only for  the
timespan/period starting in 1942 when gas-vans were  already
in use for the killings of human beings [7].

Based only on the written records not much can be said about
the  period when the gas-vans were under development. So the
route  of  decisions  leading to the  construction  and  the
operation/usage of these vans remains unclear/obscure.  This
state  of  things  may  be amended by  the  results  of  the
multitude of trials held since 1945.

In  the  Federal Republic mainly since 1958 the installation
of    the    Central    Agency   [_Zentrale    Stelle    der
Landesjustizverwaltungen_  =ZSL]  for  the  prosecution   of
national-socialist   crimes   in   Ludwigsburg    and    the
investigations  started  by that agency  have  enlarged  our
knowledge about the crimes of the NS-regime[8]. However, the
historian  cannot  adopt results of trials  without  probing
them,  as  jurisdiction  and  historiographic  science   are
directed by different purposes [9].

With  the  historian,  witness-testimonies  are  of  formost
importance as they assist in closing gaps left by documents.
But  due  to their pecularities witness-testimonies  may  be
used  as  equals to documents and appraised by the  historic
research  with valid results only if certain principles  are
obeyed [10].

The basic principle requires that the link between testimony
and  critically validated documents shouldn't  be  abandoned
whenever possible, that is, the most probable fact  must  be
linked to the certified fact [11].

There   will  remain  questions  which  can't  be   answered
satisfactorily by this method. There are witness testimonies
reporting  that  during  the cleansing/purging  of  mentally
insane in the hospitals
in  Poland 1939/40 a hermetic sealed trailer with the  label
"_Kaisers-Kaffee-Geschaeft" [about: Kaiser's  coffee  shop],
with  a  tractive unit/tractor/towing vehicle in  front  was

Page Three, p.405

In  the trailer, insane persons were killed allegedly by the
introduction  of  pure  carbon-monoxide  (CO)  from  (steel)
cylinders  [12]. The origin/source of these vehicles  cannot
be  traced back as documents are lacking. However, there are
hints  that  there is a link between "_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans
and  the  gas-vans. Therefore we first investigate  the  few
testimonies related to "_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans and then  the
development of the gas-vans.

In a letter dated 1st september 1939, Hitler entitles/orders
his   personal/assisting  medecin  Dr.Karl  Brandt  and  the
_Reichsleiter_ Philipp Bouhler of the Fuehrer's  chancellery
to   carry   out   the  _Euthanasie_  -program   [13].   The
_Kriminaltechnisches     Institut     [KTI]_     in      the
_Reichssicherheitshauptamt   [RSHA]_    was    ordered    to
test/explore  appropriate  killing procedures/agencies,  and
reported that the best method to kill would be the use of CO

Following  first  experimental gassings  in  the  prison  of
Brandenburg/havel  in January 1940 - in  a  hermetic  sealed
room  mentally insane had been killed with pure  CO  -,  the
method was used in all other "_Euthanasie_" set-ups/centers.
The necessary CO was acquired by the _Fuehrer's_ chancellery
under   cover-up/camouflage indirectly  via  the  KTI,  this
being  based  on   an  agreement between  the  head  of  the
_Euthanasie_-agency,  Brack,   and  Widmann,  head  of   the
_Referat V D2_ (Chemistry and Biology) [16].

On  order  by  Nebe, head of _Amt V_ [department]  (counter-
criminality) in the RSHA, _SS-Sturmfuehrer_ Becker  got  the
(steel)   cylinders    at  the  IG   Farben   [factory]   in
Ludwigshafen   and   delivered   them   to   the   different
installations [17]. _SS-Sturmbannfuehrer_ Heess, head of the
KTI,     was    knowledgeable/knew    about    the     close
relation/collaboration beteen the Fuehrer's chancellery  and
the KTI [18].

The   "_Kaisers-Kaffe_"-van  operated   through   the   same
principle   as   the  gas-chambers  of  the  "_Euthanasie_"-
installations.  CO was guided into a trailer  through  hoses
from  a  cylinder which was fixed to the tractor. This  was,
hence, a gas-chamber on  wheels [19]. Witnesses report  that
since  september  1939 the _Sonderkommando  Lange_  [Special
commnad/task force] killed mentally

Page Four, p.406

insane  people in such vans in pommeranian, eastern-prussian
and polish hospitals [20].

The  name  of that command is derived from the name  of  its
head, _SS-Sturmfuehrer_ and _Kriminalrat_ Herbert Lange. The
letter  from the Higher SS- and Police leader Koppen to  the
_SS-Gruppenfuehrer_     Sporrenberg      elucidates      the
operationing/work of that command in Soldau:

     "The  special command being under my  command  for
     particular  tasks  was sent to Soldau  during  the
     time from 21.5 to 8.6.1940 in accord with the RSHA
     and  has  evacuated 1588 insane persons  from  the
     transition-camp during that time." [21]

A  vehicle  of that kind was brought with Lange either  from
the  RSHA  (the  testimonies by Gustav Sorge  [22]  and  the
important  role of the _Gruppe II D_, technical matters,  in
the  RSHA in the later development of the gas-van [23]  back
this   assumption,  or  he  organized  its   production   in
collaboration with the RSHA [24].

Alfred  Trenker,  deputy head of the _Stapo_  bureau  (state
police) in Posen testified that Lange had told him in summer
1940,   he,  Lange,  had to travel to Berlin  and  the  RSHA
several times
because of "conferences/meetings about the suitable  type of
gassing-vans" [25].

These  testimonies let suppose that the operationing of  the
"_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans was optimized for the purpose of the
_Sonderkommando  Lange_,  which had  probably  the  taks  to
practically  test  these vehicles. Apparently,  they  didn;t
operate adequately (Lange mentioned something to that extent
against  Trenker  [26]) and the _Sonderkommando  Lange_  was
disbanded/  got  leave  soon after  their  task  in  Soldau.
Starting  from  that time, there aren't  found  any  reports
about the operations/usage of that kind of vehicles.

The  exchange of letters/correspondence about the still  due
payments  in  connection  with the  _Sonderkommando  Lange_,
which  lasted till february 1941, shows that as well Himmler
knew  about the whole affair. In a letter by Koppe  to  Karl
Wolff,   head  of  the personal staff of the  _Reichsfuehrer
SS_, dated 22. February 1941, it is mentioned, "that you  by
order  of  the  _Reichsfuehrer SS_ would  decide  about  the
payments of the transportation costs" [27].

Page five, p.407

From  the  date  of  the  first usage,  we  may  infer  that
"_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans were prepared beginning in  the  end
of  1939  till midyear 1940 with assistance of the Fuehrer's
chancellery and the RSHA.

On  15  and  16th  August 1941 Himmler was in  Baranowitschi
[English  spelling?] and Minsk [28] And inspected an  action
of  [liquidation/execution]  by  shooting  in  the  area  of
_Einsatzgruppe B_ [29].

The  attending Higher SS- and Police-Leader in Center Russia
["Russland  Mitte"]  von dem Bach-Zelewski  reported  later,
Himmler was moved/shaken apparently by this action.[30]

After  that,  Himmler had visited a hospital/sanatorium  for
mentally insane people and afterwards ordered the Leader  of
_Einsatzgruppe B_, Nebe, to search/investigate means, fit to
shorten the suffering of the people as far as possible [31],
as  he  had concluded from the experience with the execution
by  shooting "that shooting wasn't yet the most  human  way"

He   [i.e.   Nebe]  should  send  "a  report"  about   those
investigations.  Himmler  addressed  Nebe,   as   the   KTI,
subordinated   to   the  'Amt  V',  had  excelled   in   the
investigation/development of killing procedures  during  the
"Euthanasia"  program, so that their  experiences  could  be
employed now. Nebe was simultaneously head of that  'Amt  V'
[department]  in  the  RSHA. Relying on  this  position,  in
beginning September he ordered Widmann to come to Minsk with
explosives and two metal-hoses/tubes [33].

Widmann  had  had  discussed this order with  his  immediate
boss/superior  Heess.  This elucidates  that  apart  of  the
stress  for the execution squads/commands, a further  reason
was given for the following experiments:

     "It  was discussed with Heess also about the usage
     of   [poisonous] gas  in the killing  of  mentally
     insane persons, especially about the impossibility
     to transport the CO-cylinders in Russia." [34]

The  CO-cylinders  would have been  necessary,  if  one  was
intending  to use "_Kaisers-Kaffe_"-vans or gas-chambers  as
they were used in the "Euthanasia" program.

Page six, p.408

When the blasting/explosion of a bunker in Minsk, into which
mentally  insane persons had been brought, didn't  show  the
intended result/success, an experiment with the metal hoses,
which  Widmann had carried with him, was undertaken  in  the
sanatorium  for  mentally insanes/asylum of  Mogilew,  which
Himmler had visited also [35]. About this, Widmann testified
on 11th January 1960:

"Nebe  has ordered to close the windows with brick-work  and
to  leave  two openings for the gas-pipes on that  afternoon
...  When we arrived, first one of the hoses, which had been
with me in the car, was fixed/connected. The connection  was
made  to  a passenger vehicle. In the openings of the  wall,
there  were  pieces of pipes/tubes were situated, where/onto
which  one  could  easily affix the  hoses  ...  After  five
minutes,  Nebe  came out and said, there wasn't  any  effect

Also after eight minutes, he couldn't observe any effect and
asked,  what  had  to  be done now.  Nebe  and  I  convinced
ourselves,   that  the  car  was  too  weak.   Hence,   Nebe
ordered/caused/made the second hose to be fixed to  the  van
[to transport troops] of the _Ordnungspolizei_. Then it took
only a few minutes, Till the people lost consciousness.  One
left [the motors of] both cars running for about another ten
minutes [36].

The   incident  just  described  is  also  reported  in  the
deposition  by  the  Russian  doctor  N.N.Akimova  of   18th
November 1946, who gives as date of the experiment the  186h
September  [37]. Hence/therefor, Widmann and his aides  must
have  been  in Minsk and Mogilev from 13th to 21st September
[38].  The  relation between these experiments and Himmler's
visit  and  order  is revealed/given/elucidated  in  another
deposition  by Widmann: " Nebe wanted to discuss the  matter
with  me,  as he said, that he had to report it to Himmler."

Nebe  must have learned by these two experiments, that  only
the idea to kill with exhaust gases, which most probably was
his own, was feasible [40].

Page seven, p.409

But  the  _Einsatzgruppen_, for the usage of which  the  new
more  "humane"  killing  method  was  searched/investigated,
couldn't  use/handle a gas-chamber with fixed  location,  in
which  people were killed by exhaust-gases. They had  to  be
mobile,   to  fulfill  their  task  [41].  Based  on   these
considerations  and  the  past  experience,  a  plan/project
emerged  the KTI to build gas-vans. Nebe and Heess  proposed
this  to  their  commander Heydrich, head  of  the  security
police and the SD [42].

Widmann testified about this:

     "I  was informed by Heess shortly about the result
     of   his  report  in  the  _Prinz-Albrecht_-street
     [Heydrich's head-quarter]. He told me,  that  vans
     would  be  built/constructed, into which  exhaust-
     gases  would  be  led/introduced, instead  of  the
     recent application of CO-cylinders." [43]

It becomes apparent, that "_Kaisers Kaffe_"-vans, which were
known  in  the  KTI, had been the model for the  gas-vans  -
mobile, gas-tightly sealed, close boxes. However, because of
the  technical difficulties, the pure CO couldn't simply  be
replaced  by exhaust-gases. A new construction was necessary
which  unified traction unit, trailer and the source of  the
poisonous gas.

Heydrich's  immediate superior/boss was  Himmler  since  the
decree  of  27th  September 1939. Therewith  the  circle  is

Heydrich  had  supposedly  heard about  the  experiments  in
advance,  and  was therefore in the "secret",  otherwise  it
couldn't    be    understood,    why    Nebe    and    Heess
contacted/approached him. Heydrich was also in a position to
lend  the  necessary  technical  support  to  the  KTI.   He
approached    _SS-Obersturmfuehrer_    Rauff,    head     of
group/department  II  D3  (technical  matters),   with   its
subgroup/sub-department being led by  _SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer_
Pradel.  He [Pradel] testified in his trial that  Rauff  had
told  him:  " This is an order by Heydrich which has  to  be
carried out." [44]

In  this sense, we may also understand Rauff's deposition on
28th  June  1972  in  Santiago  de  Chile:"I  think,  it  is
impossible that Pradel undertook the development of the gas-
vans  on his own. He must have had an order either by me  or
someone with a higher position."[45]

Page eight, p.410

Wentritt,  head  of the repairing-shop/park in  _Referat  II
D3a_ testified concerning this:

     "Still in 1941, I was summoned to the head of  the
     group/department, Major Pradel.  He  declared/told
     me,  that  the execution squads in action suffered
     often  from nervous break-down (respectively  were
     close  to  it),   so  that a more  humane  killing
     method  should be used. We needed therefore  -  as
     Pradel    stated   _   closed/sealed    vans/motor

Pradel  ordered Wentritt to test/investigate whether it  was
possible   to   lead  motor-exhausts  in  the  closed/sealed
superstructure of a van. When Wentritt answered this in  the
affirmative,  Pradel  communicated the  positive/affirmative
answer  to  Rauff  and got back with the  order  to  contact
Heess.  Heess detailed, how such a van had to be constructed
and how it should operate.

On   Rauff's   order,  Pradel  and  Wentritt   visited   the
_Gaubschat_-factory/company in Berlin-Neukoelln,  which  was
specialized   in  the  production  of  sealed/closed    box-
superstructures [47] where they pretended, that they  needed
the  vans to transport the dead victims/corpses of a spotted
fever epidemic.

They  made  an  agreement that the RSHA should  deliver  the
chassis   to   the  factory  "which  had  to  put   a   box-
superstructure on top of them." [48]

The  order  was  given  directly by  Rauff,  probably  in  a
letter/in-written  form  [49].  But  Pradel's   attempt   to
purchase  chassis was a failure, so that an intervention  by
Rauff was necessary. He testified on 19th October 1945:  "In
so  far as I can recall I only supplied 5 or 6 [[chassis]]."
[50][English in original]

When  the  chassis  had  been delivered  to  the  Gaubschatt
company,  Wentritt informed himself several times about  the
on-going  construction  work  and  fetched  the  first   van
himself. He provided this van with the following alterations
in  the  workshop of _Referat II D 3a_, as  the  matter  was
classified  as  "_geheime  Reichssache_"[highest  level   of

     "At  the  exhaust-pipe an exhaust-hose  was  fixed
     which  was led from the exterior to the bottom  of
     the  van.  In  this  van we drilled  a  hole  with
     diameter  of about 58-60 mm, the diameter  of  the
     exhaust-pipe. Into the interior of the van,  above
     the  hole, we welded a metal pipe (exhaust  pipe),
     which  was connected or could be connected to  the
     exhaust-hose.  Upon  starting  the   motor,    the
     exhaust went into the exhaust-pipe and from  there
     into  the exhaust-pipe in the interior of the van,
     where the [exhaust-]gas was spread." [51]

Page nine, p.411

On  Pradel's order, Wentritt brought this van, so  prepared,
to  the  KTI, where gaseous samples were taken in  the  box-
superstructure.  The  chemist Leiding, collaborator  in  the
KTI, testified:

     "I  once entered that van with a gas-mask.  I  had
     the  order/task  to take air-samples.  Those  air-
     samples were hence analyzed in the laboratory."

Why  these  analyses were necessary may be  understood  from
Widmann's deposition on 12th January 1960:

     "The  objective of that analysis was, by the  way,
     to  find  out  how long it took  to  reach  a  CO-
     concentration  of  1%  in the  van.  At  this  CO-
     contents,  deep  unconsciousness  and  then  death
     occur in a short time (3rd stage of CO poisoning).
     One intended to prevent the first and second stage
     of  CO-poisoning. The first stage is numbness  and
     nausea,  the second stage is marked by  states  of

Short  time late, an experimental gassing took place in  the
concentration  camp  Sachsenhausen ( the  KTI  had  there  a
workshop/atelier). At the gassing, Heess, the  two  chemists
Leiding  and Hoffmann, and beyond some SS-officers attended.
Widmann wasn't present [54].

Following Krausnick/Wilhelm, he was in Kiew on about  X[?]th
November  [55].  The experimental gassing  in  Sachsenhausen
must have taken place on that date.  Regarding the events in
Sachsenhausen, Leiding testified:

     "I  understood only later the intended purpose  of
     the  van,  in which I had taken an air sample. One
     day, I was summoned to travel to Sachsenhausen ...
     and there was a van, which was equal or like that,
     which   I   had   seen  in   the   yard   of   the

     The number of men, which entered into the van, may
     have been around/about 30 ...
     The corpses had, as we chemists found out/observed
     the typical pink outlook of men, who had died of a
     CO-poisoning." [56]

Heess  reported the success of the experimental gassing  not
only  to  Pradel [57], but he wrote a report  together  with
Widmann,  which  was supposedly delivered to Heydrich  [57].
Hence the prototype of the gas-vans was developed/ready  and
tested.   The  remaining  vans,  ordered  at  the  Gaubschat
factory, were as well altered into gas-vans now [59].

Page ten, p.412

The  course of events described here is corroborated by  the
analogous proceedings/activities in 1942. Since April  there
were  plans/schemes in _Reerat II D 3a_, how to improve  the
gas-vans, how to expand/augment the killing capacity and how
to   facilitate   their  operationing/handling.   [60]   The
proceeding   was  analogous  to  the  development   of   the
prototype.  The  matter was debated first  internally,  then
Rauff  gave  an order for a van with the planned alterations
to   the  Gaubschat  factory.  This  one  should  be  tested
practically and only after that a decision should  be  taken
on the vans to be altered further.[61]

When  starting with the date of the experimental gassing  at
Sachsenhausen and considering the time necessary to  rebuild
the  vans  to be about 8-14 days [62] and the time to  bring
the  vans  to  the  locations of  operations  [63],  we  may
conclude, that the first gas-vans could be used only in  the
end of November of beginning December 1941.

The   first  usage of a gas-van may be traced  down  in  the
operation   area  of  _Einsatzgruppe  C_   [64]   with   the
_Sonderkommando 4a_ in Poltawa. Eye-witnesses report that  a
gas-van  was used there in November 1941 in the killings  of
the Jews [65]. The van is described as follows:

     "The  gas-van  was used in the same  place  [[i.e.
     there  were  also shootings]. Each time  about  30
     people  were carried in them. As far I  know,  the
     passengers were killed by exhaust-gases  led  into
     it." [66]

The  usage  of gas-vans by the already known _Sonderkommando
Lange_ is testified for the 8th December in Chelmno [67].

Hence,  not only in the experimental phase, but as  well  in
the   operationing,  experienced  staff  was  employed.   In
Chelmno,  two  smaller vans were operationing first.  Gustav
Laabs, the driver of one of the vans, testified:

     "Later I found out, that the vans were American 3-
     tons-trucks.  ...  The  interior  of  their   box-
     container was, as I later saw 4m in length  to  2m
     in  width. ...  In the gas-van, I drove, ... about
     50 people were gassed." [68]

Page eleven, p.413

Still  before  Christmas  1941  two  smaller  gas-vans  were
brought  from  Berlin to Riga [69]. These were  the  smaller
"Daimond"-vans, which were named/mentioned in  a  letter  by
_SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer_ Truehe to Rauff  on  15th  July  1942

In the operation area of _Einsatzgruppe D_ [71] the presence
of  a  gas-van,  which  could carry  about  50  persons,  is
testified/assured by testimony for the end of 1941.

This  date  may  be  certified by  the  deposition  of  _SS-
Untersturmfuehrer_ Becker. He was transferred to the RSHA in
December  1941  after  a   conference/consultation   between
Himmler and Brack [73].

Hence,   Himmler   observed/had   in   mind/supervised   the
operations  of  the  gas-vans further.  In  the  RSHA,  Ruff
ordered   him   (Becker)   to  travel   to   the   East   to
investigate/observe the operationing of the gas-vans. Becker
testified about this:

     "He [[Rauff]] said, that gas-vans were already  in
     place     or     sent     to     the     different

This must have taken place shortly before 14th December,  as
Becker  couldn't begin his travel, intended  for  that  day,
because of an accident; so his travel was postponed until in
beginning   1942  [73].  The  projected  date  of   Becker's
inspection travel may have been meaningful only if the  gas-
vans  had  been sent to the _Einsatzgruppen_ shortly  before

So  it  is assured/certain that gas-vans were used beginning
with the end of November or beginning December 1941 [76].

The Higher SS- and Police-Leader Jeckeln testified in 1945:

     "In  December  1941,  when I reported  orally  the
     completion  of  Himmler's  order  to  execute   by
     shooting  the Jews of the Ghetto in Riga  to  him,
     Himmler  told me that shooting was too complicated
     an action. In the shootings, one needed troops who
     were  able  to  shoot,  and  that  it  had  a  bad
     influence on the men. So, said Himmler further, it
     would be best to destroy/liquidate/kill the people
     with gas-vans, which upon his order had been built
     in Germany."[77]

The six gas-vans, described so far, (one with _Einsatzgruppe
C_, two in Chelmno, two in Riga, one with _Einsatzgruppe  D-
),  which were operating until end of 1941, Had two features
in  common, the exterior appearance and the number of people
they could carry [78].

Page twelve, p.414

The  vans were smaller, 3-tons-trucks, with a superstructure
of  about  4m  in  length, in which 30-50 persons  could  be
carried [79].

The  same description fits on the vans, in which air-samples
were  taken  in  the yard of the KTI, and which  were  later
tested   in  Sachsenhausen.  Leiding  and  Hoffmann  testify
unanimously, that the vans were 3-tons transporters in which
thirty men were killed [80].

According to Rauff and Wentritt, firstly five or six chassis
had  been  purchased and delivered to the Gaubschat  factory
[81].  Hence,  in 1941,  first six vans with  3-tons  weight
have  been  prepared/built and were  operating  starting  in
November  or  December. These are the  vans  of  the  "first
series"[82]  with at least two different types  of  chassis,
"Daimond" [83] and "Opel-Blitz" [84].

That  one used vans with different types is related  to  the
difficulties  with  the  purchase  of  the  chassis  in  the
beginning [85]. The sources and testimonies report  as  well
that  larger  vans, type "Saurer" were rebuilt/altered  into
gas-vans  [86]. These were trucks with 8 tons  with  a  box-
superstructure with 5.8m length and 1.7m height, which could
carry  up to one hundred people [87]. In a note in the files
of  _Referat  II  D3a_  on  23th  June   1942  is  remarked:
"According  to transaction/proceeding II D3a -  1737/41,  an
order  on  30 special superstructures for chassis  delivered
was  given  to  Gaubschat company. 20 vehicles  are  already
finished and have been delivered." [88]

Conforming with the high number of vans ordered,  the  order
must have been given late in 1941 [89]. That the whole order
was  related only to Saurer-vans is certified by a  note  on
27th  April  1942,  which relates to the  transaction-number
1737   [90].  The  sketches/blueprints  enjoined  show  that
"proposals  for  a  fast  discharge  equipment@  were   only
provided for the Saurer vans.

Page thirteen, p. 415

As  construction plans for such an equipment  were  provided
only  for this type of van - they should be added/built into
the   vans  already  in  operation  subsequently  -  we  may
conclude,  that the whole order for thirty chassis consisted
of  Saurer-vans.  This consideration is  corroborated  by  a
letter from Becker to Rauff on 16th May 1942:

     "While the vans of the first series can be used in
     not too bad weather, the vans of the second series
     (Saurer)   are   completely  immobile   in   rainy
     weather." [92]

It  becomes apparent, that Becker distinguishes between  two
series  of vans; moreover, the description "Saurer" for  the
vans of the second series is only meaningful, if all vans in
this series were of them same type. Hence , the _Referat  II
D  3a_  issued an order and delivered the Saurer-chassis  to
equip them with the superstructures/boxes/containers in  the
end  1941  and  in April 1942 already 20 of  them  had  been
delivered [93].

The  sources and witnesses say that gas-vans of the  Saurer-
type  were  operating only in January 1942 [94], i.e.  later
than the smaller vans.

Considering  the  necessary time for the construction  works
[95],  the order 1737 cannot be issued before December 1941.
Becker's distinction relates therefore not only to the  size
of  the  vans, but as well to the date of their construction
and  of their operationing. This means that for starting six
smaller vans had been built and were used, but already since
December  1941,  one only built larger vans of  the  Saurer-
type,   firstly,   as   one   intended   to   provide   each
_Sonderkommando_ of the different _Einsatzgruppen_  with  at
least one van, and secondly to expand and extend the gassing-

That  the  latter aim was foremost is shown by the  note  of
27th April 1942, which discusses several possibilities ("tip-
up  equipment for the box-superstructure", "facility to tip-
up  the  bottom-grate", "facility to move  in  and  out  the
bottom-grate") to achieve a quicker discharge of the 'cargo'
(=gassed  people)  [97]. Even when it turned  out  that  the
large  vans  couldn't  be used in the  open  ground  in  all
weather  it wasn't thought of using smaller vans as  in  the
beginning,  only the box-superstructure should  be  slightly
shortened [98].

_Referat  II  D  3a_ was not only responsible for  technical
matters   but as well for the operationing/handling  of  the
vans/transportation   park  of  the  security   police   and
consequently for the gas-vans.

Page fourteen, p.416

This  is  elucidated not only by the official tasks  of  the
_Referat_, but as well by the work of _SS-Untersturmfuehrer_
Becker   [99].  On  Rauff's  order  he  travelled   to   the
_Einsatzgruppen_  to supervise the operationing/handling  of
the  gas-vans  and  to  mend  occurring  faults/difficulties

According to his own statements, he was thus travelling from
mid  January to September 1942 [101]. During this  time,  he
was  in  perpetual  connection  with  Rauff,   and  reported
continuously  about  his  supervising/observations  and  his
actions/work [102]. His reports provided basis of "technical
alterations/improvements" which should be  applied   in  the
construction of vehicles which were still to be built [103].

Becker's  intervening wouldn't have been  necessary  if  the
group   Rauff   had   been   responsible   only   for    the
production/construction/preparation of  the  vans.  Becker's
task shows that the group II D3 was as well responsible  for
the  operationing/maintenance/handling of the vans. This  is
as well certified by the sources.

On  15th  June  1942, the Commanding Leader of the  Security
Police  and of the SD in _Ostland_ [administrative  district
in  occupied  SU,  comprising parts  of  Lithuania,  Poland,
Byelorussia  -  around  Vilna,  Baranowicze,  Minks,  Sluzk]
addressed  a  request  to Rauff for an  additional   van  of
Saurer-type [104].

In  the same place, he ordered "another 20 exhaust-hoses  to
be  send along, as the existing were already untight".  From
Becker's report we may infer that the failure of a  van  had
to  be reported by wireless telegraph to the _Amt II D_  and
that  the vans had to be sent to Berlin in the case of  more
involved repairs[105]. The note in the file on 5th June 1942
reports  that  a  gas-van  was  exploded  in  Chelmno.  This
incident  caused  Rauff to order new  experiments  on   gas-
samples by the KTI.

In  the  same  place, the "services affected by  this  [got]
special  instructions" and smaller alterations to  the  vans
were   undertaken  to  prevent  [the  building-up]  of  high
pressures in the box-superstructures [106].

_SS-Gruppenfuehrer_    Harald   Turner,    head    of    the
administration staff with the military commander in  Serbia,
had  requested  and  got a gas-van in  April  1942  for  the
killing of the Jews of Belgrad [107].

On  9th  June  this Saurer-van was sent back to Belin  after
completed  "special task" [108]. After due  repair,  it  was
sent to Riga conforming to the request on 15th June [109].

Often  the gas-vans have been seen on intermediate stops  on
their way to the East, e.g. in Breslau or Krakau [110].

The  Leader of _Einsatzgruppe D_, Ohlendorf, testified  that
the   gas-vans   didn't   belong  to   the   transportation-
park/rolling   stock  of  the  _Einsatzgruppe_,   but   were
commissioned/leased to them from Berlin [111].

Page fifteen, p.417

With  the  gas-vans, the drivers, who had got a training  to
the  handling  of  the vans [112] were sent along.  Gas-vans
drivers  testified that on order of the operative leader  of
group  II  D 3a they had fetched/got the vans in Berlin  and
brought them to their operation location/area [113].

This means, that _Amt II D 3a_ was not only responsible  for
the     construction    of    the    gas-vans,    but     it
directed/orchestrated  centrally  from/in   the   RSHA   the
operations  of  the  gas-vans  [114],  providing  the  vans,
drivers,      and      exchange     parts/equipment;      it
controlled/supervised and coordinated  the  operationing  of
the vehicles.

For finishing, a conclusion of the results:

In  the  period of four months, on order by Himmler,  a  new
killing  method, the gas-van, was developed in the following
sequence of actions/events:

- 15./16.8.1941 Himmler's order.

- 16./18.9. Experiments in Minsk and Mogilev.

- Early October, order given to _Amt II D 3a_

- 3.11. experimental gassing in Sachsenhausen.

- Late November and in December first usage of the vans.

In  this  the  RSHA  cooperated closely with  the  following

-  the KTI; here emerged the idea to build gas-vans; and  it
was responsible for the "chemistry part" of the experiments.

-  _Referat  II D 3a_; it prepared two series of  vans,  six
smaller ones (Daimond and Opel-Blitz) and the thirty Saurer-
vans;  it  directed and supervised the operationing  of  the
vans, centrally from Berlin.

In  the development of the gas-vans, the experience gathered
during  the  "Euthanasia", which was stopped  officially  in
1941  was  purposively  applied/used  in  technical  matters
("_Kaisers Kaffee_"-vans) as well as with the staff employed
(KTI, Becker, Lange). Unlike the case of "_Kaisers Kaffee_"-
vans,  a  participation of Fuehrer's chancellery  cannot  be
stated/found here. This staff worked during that time on the
development  of  another  method  which  was  used  in   the
destruction centers since 1942.

"Technical  developments"  were  a  precondition   for   the
perpetration of the premeditated/intended crimes. The  step-
wise   perfectioning   of  the  killing-methods   were   the
development of the gas-van was only one step in  the  sequel
of national-socialist killing methods, result in the killing
of ever more people, mainly Jews.


Page One, p.403

1. Deposition by Gustav Laabs driver of a gas-van in
Chelmno, dated 29.11.1960, _Staatsanwaltschaft (StA)_
[Attorney bureau] Bonn, _Aktenzeichen (Az)_ [Filen-number] 8
Js 52/60

[[ZSL, Az.203 AR-Z 69/59, Bl.912]]. The designation/word is
used as well in the literature and by witnesses.

Raul Hilberg, {The destruction of the European Jews},
Chicago 1961, p.219, uses "{gas-van}", apparently a
tranlation of the German word.

_SS-Obersturmfuehrer_ Walter Rauff, _Gruppenleiter_
[department-leader] of  Dienststelle_[department of
services] II D (Technical matters) in the RSHA

Main security bureau in the Reich] speaks in his affidavit
dated 19.10.1945 about "{death vans}", International
Military Tribunal,  Trial of the Major War Criminals Before
the International Military
Tribunal, Nuremberg (IMT) Vol.30, Doc.2384-PS. In the
description given in document IMT 501-PS the word
_Vergasungswagen_  [gassing-van] is used.

2. Letter by Rauff to the KTI [Kriminaltechnisches Institut]
dated 26.3.1942. Copy in ZSL, Folder: Verschiedenes Nr.227.

3. Entry/note in file dated 27.4.1942, Copy in ZSL, USA Dok.
Film I, Bl.19-25; Letter by _Firma Gaubschat_
[Company/manufacturer]  to the _Referat_ [sub-department]
IID 3a of the RSHA dated 14.5.1942, ZSL, USA Dok. Film I,

4. Entry/note in file dated 5.6.1942,  Copy ZSL, USA Dok.
Film I, Bl.9-14; facsimile in:
_Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung durch Giftgas.  Eine
Dokumentation, hrsg. von A.Rueckerl/E.Kogon/H.Langbein
u.a._,  Frankfurt a.  M.1983, pp.333-337. [This should be
also available in the English Translation now] Letter by _SS-
Obersturmfuehrer_ Schaefer to Rauff dated 9.6.1942, IMT-Doc.

5. Letter by _SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer_ Truehe to Rauff dated
15.6.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS. The "S" is probably an
abbreviation to _spezial_ or _sonder_ [special]. These
adverbs were originally
used with respect to the container-superstructure, which was
specially manufactured. Cf. entry/note in file dated
23.6.1942, Copy ZSL, USA Dok. Film II, B1.14-16, where the
_Spezialaufbauten_ [special superstructure] is used. The
relation to the camouflage word _Sonderbehandlung_ [special
treatment], i.e. killing is apparent, IMT-Doc. 501-PS.

6. Letter by _SS-Gruppenfuehrer_ Harald Turner to  _SS-
Obergruppenfuehrer_ Karl Wolff, head of the personal staff
of the _Reichsfuehrer SS (RFSS)_ [Leader of the SS,
H.Himmler], dated 11.4.1942, StA Muenchen II, Az.10a Js
39/60, bill of indictment/accusation [[ZSL, Az. Sammelakte
137, Bl.164-167].

Page Two, p.404

7. The earliest document is dated 26.3.1942, cf. Note [2].
In the entry dated 5.6.1942 it is noted that since december
1941 97.000 human beings were "processed", i.e. killed with
vans, cf. Note [4].

8. See as well: A.Rueckerl (ed.): _NS-Vernichtungslager im
Spiegel deutscher Strafprozesse. Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka,
Chelmno._ Muenchen 1977; same author: _NS-Prozess nach 25
Jahren Strafverfolgung. Moeglichkeiten, Grenzen, Ergebnisse,
Karlsruhe 1971. _Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung_
Frankfurt a.M. 1983. Here I'd like to thank the ZSL for the
support and the helps, especially Mr Chief-attorney
A.Rueckerl, Mr Chief-attorney A. Streim, Mr attorney
W.Dressen,  Inspector S.Fritschle and last but not least Mrs
H.Doms from the documentation.

9. I.Arndt/W.Scheffler: _Organisierter Massenmord an den
Juden in nationalsozialistischen Vernichtungslagern. Ein
Beitrag zur Richtigstellung apologetischer Literatur_, in:
VfZ 24 (1976),
S.115 Anm.20.

10. See for an excellent example, A.Streim, _Die Behandlung
der Kriegsgefangenen im Fall Barabarossa_, Heidelberg 1981,
S.74 ff. In the following, the different quality of
documents and witness  testimonies is remarked here, by
notifying each quotation from  a depostition.

11. This allows for instance to check the
credibility/consistency  of witnesses. If there exist
consistency between document and  testimony, it is
reasonable to assume that the witness's
 deposition is reliable/trustworthy as well with respect to
facts/ cases which aren't covered by documents.

Page Three , p.405

12. Deposition by H.H.Renfranz, dated 10.10.1962, StA
Hannover, Az. 2 Js 614/62 [ZSL, Az. V 203 AR-???1101/1960,
Bl.2]. See also _Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung_, p.
^62 ff;
E.Klee, "_Euthanasie" im NS-Staat. Die "Vernichtung
lebenswerten Lebens_", Frankfurt a.M. 1983, S.106 ff and
S.190 ff.

13. IMT, Vol. 26, S.169.

14. Deposition by A.Widmann, Head of Abt. V D 2 (Chemistry
and Biology) in the KTI, dated 11.1.1960; StA Duesseldorf,
Az. 8 Js7212/59 [ZSL, Az.202 AR-Z 152/59, Bl.51 f.];
deposition by
A.Becker, 20.6.1961, StA Stuttgart, Az. 13 Js 328/60  [ZSL,
Az.439 AR-Z 18a/60, Bl.1001 ff.]
See also _Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung_, S.46; Klee,
"_Euthanasie_", S.84 f.

15. same sources as note [13]

16. deposition by A.Widmann, 27.1.1959, StA Duesseldorf,
Az.8 Js 7212/59 [ZSL, Az. 439 AR-Z 18a/??, Bl.36 f.]; Klee,
"_Euthanasie_", S.84 f.

17. deposition by A.Becker, 28.1.1960, StA Hannover, Az. 2
Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 220/59, Bl.36 ff.].

18. deposition by Walter Schade, datd 12.2.1959, StA
Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415, AR-Z 220/59, Bl.110

19. cf. note [12]

Page Four , p.406

20. cf. note [12]

21. Copy ZSL, USA Dok.Bd.II, Bl.6; see also Klee,
"_Euthanasie_", p.191.

22. He testified on 7.3.1962, that before 1941 another
"Gaswagen" was tested in Sachsenhausen and produced there;
StA Hannover,  Az. 2 Js 299/1960 [ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/59,
Bl.277 ff;
see also Rueckerl, NS-Vernichtungslager, p. 268, note 55.

23. Cf. text p.409 f. [Page Seven f.]

24. deposition by A.Trenkers, dated 17.5. 1962, StA
Hannover,  Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/59,

25. deposition dated 16.5.1961, StA Bonn, Az.8 Js 52/60
[ZSL, Az. 203 AR-Z 69/59, Bl.678 f.].

26. Cf. note [24]

27. Copy of the correspondence in: ZSL, USA Dok.Bd.I, Bl.90
and 98; Bd.II, Bl.801-807. See as well Klee, "_Euthanasie_",
pp.190-193. Characteristically, on the letter there is a
note by Wolff, that he phone with Brack, one of the
responsibles in the "Euthanasie"- program, about the affair.

Page Five, p.407

28. _Diensttagebuch_ [Diary kept on duties during
service/official diary] Bach-Zelewski, Bundesarchiv,
Sign.R20/45b, Copy ZSL, _Findmittelschrank_ Nr.35.
Accordingly, Himmler was in Baranowitschi on 30-7-1941 and
in Baranowitschi and Minsk on 15/16th August 1941.

On 15th August, Bach attended/was drawn [to the visit], so
Himmler's observation of the
shootings is most likely to be dated on that day. Cf.
deposition by the Russian [lady-]doctor N.N.Akimova, who
reports about a visit spent by Himmler to a sanatorium in
August 1941; see A.Ebbinghaus/G.Preissler: _Die Ermordung
psychisch kranker Menschen in der Sowjetunion.
Dokumentation_, in: _Aussonderung und Tod. Die klinische
Hinrichtung der Unbrauchbaren_, Berlin 1985, p.188.

29. About _Einsatzgruppe B_: H.Krausnick/H.-H.Wilhelm, _Die
Truppe des Weltanschaungskrieges. Die Einsatzgruppen der
Sicherheitspolizei und des SD 1938-1942_, Stuttgart 1982,

30. Deposition by Back-Zelewski in: _Aufbau_ (New York),
23.8.46, p.2. Cf. similar deposition by Karl Wolff,
Himmler's adjutant,  who attended there too, StA Muenchen,
Az.10a Js 39/60, _Anklageschrift_ [bill of
indictment/accusation] [ZSL, Az.Sammelakte 137, Bl.140ff]
with further testimonies about the incidence.

31. Ibid. Cf. N.N.Akimova's deposition (note 28).

32. Deposition by Back-Zelewski (note 30 ). Cf. deposition
by the chemist H.Hoffmann, 7-1-59, StA Duesseldorf, 8 Js
7212/59 [ZSL, Az.439 AR-Z 18a/60,Bl.28].

33. Deposition by A.Widmann as of 11-1-1960 (note
14),Bl.45ff; A.Bauer, driver with the KTI, deposition as of
17-3-1960, H.Schmidt, collaborator with the KTI, StA Bremen,
Az.6Js 3/60
[ZSL, Az.202 AR-Z152/59, Bl.135; 201].

34. Deposition by A.Widmann as of 11-1-1960 (note 14),

Page six , p.408

35. Cf. note 28

36. Same as note [14], Bl.50f. Gerald Reitlinger, _Die
Endloesung. Hitlers Versuch der Ausrottung der Juden Europas
1939-1945_, Berln 1951,  mentions on page 1944, that in 1949
negatives were found in Nebe's home, which show this
incident/procedure. According to E.J.Else, superintendent of
transport services of the _K-Staffel_ [squad] in the 1st
Police-Battaillon 3, the van, recognizable on these
pictures, belonged  to his transport park. Deposition on 13-
12-1962, StA Frankfurt a.M., Az 4 Js 1928/60 [ZSL, Az.202 AR-
Z 152/1959, Bl.1127] Thus, he was member of _Einsatzkommando
8_, which participated in the experiment.

37. Ebbinghaus/Preissler, _Ermordung_, p.189. The
plausibility of this date is given by the following
relations:  Bach-Zelewski couldn't attend at the final
conference/meeting because of a Russian air-attack/raid,
which happened on 17-9-1941 according to Bach-Zelewski's
Cf. too Widmann's deposition on 11-1-1960 (note 14).

38. This date may be exactly determined because the
witnesses name the days of the week on which they stayed in
Minsk and Mogilew. When relating these statements with the
exact fixture in time, 18-9,  one gets the period for the

39. Deposition by A.Widmann on 11-1-1960 (note 14); further
testimonies in the same vein: Karl Schulz, Nebe's adjutant,
deposition on 9-3-1959, StA Stuttgart, Az.13 Js 328/60 [ZSL,
Az.439 AR-Z 18a/1960, Bl.48]; deposition by B.Wehners on 26-
1-1960, StA Bremen, Az.6 Js 3/6
[ZSL, Az.202 AR-Z 152/1959, Bl.57f.].

Page seven , p.409

40. Deposition by A.Widmann on 27-1-1959 (note 16), Bl.33f;
deposition by H.Engelmann, Nebe's adjutant, on 9-1-1951,
ibid, Bl.617; deposition by B.Wehner on 26-1-1960 (note 37).

41. Krausnick/Wilhelm, _Truppe_, pp.150ff.

42. Deposition by A.Widmann on 27-1-1959 (note 16) and on 12-
1-1960 (note). These two depositions differ inasmuch, that
different dates are given for the events described. In the
first deposition, he gives as date: shortly after the
beginning campaign in Russia,  in the second: "shortly
before the campaign/onslaught/invasion in Russia".  This
second statement is probably wrong/incorrect, as the psychic
stress of the execution squads and the great distances in
as hindrance for the transport of CO-cylinders are
mentioned. These arguments/reasons may play a role only
after the begin of the campaign in Russia. Further
to follow will corroborate this claim.

43. ibid.

44. Decision by _Landgericht_ [Provincial/regional court]
Hannover on Pradel and Wentritt, Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL Az.415
Ar-Z 220/1959,Bl.419f].

45. StA Hamburg, Az. 147 Js 31/67 [ZSL, Az.II 415 AR-Z
1310/63-E32, Bl.545].

Page eight, p.410

46. Deposition on 2-2-1961, StA Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/60
[ZSL, Az.415 Ar-Z 220/59, Bl.260b]. Compare the following
statements with the court-decision on Pradel, Bl.418 ff.

47. Deposition by M.Bauer, technician of the Gaubschat
factory, on 21-3-1961, StA Hannover, 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL Az.202
AR-Z 152/59, Bl.275f.].

48. Deposition by H.Wentritt on 2-2-1961 (note 46), Bl.260d

49. Cf. following statements p.412 [Pag ten].

50. IMT-Doc. 2348-PS. The credibility of this testimony is
corroborated by that of H.Wentritt (note 46), Bl.260 e, who
mentions as well a number of five or six vehicles.

51. Deposition by H.Wentritt on 2-2-1961 (note 46), Bl. 260b

Page nine, p.411

52. Deposition on 6-2-1959, StA Stuttgart, Az.13 Js 328/60
[ZSL, Az.439 AR-Z 18a/1960, Bl.39].
This analysis is testified also by Widmann (note 14).

53. Deposition by Widmann on 12-1-1960, ibid.; see also IMT-
Doc.501-PS dated 16.5.42.

54. This is testified unanimously by Leiding, Hoffmann and

55. See, Krausnick/Wilhelm, pp.544f. The testimonies fix the
time for the experiment to early November 1941.

56. Deposition on 6-2-1959 (note 52), Bl.40. Hoffmann
describes the event similarly; deposition on 27-1-1959, StA
Hannover,  Az.2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 220/59,

57. See, court-decision on Pradel, Bl.427.

58. Deposition by E.Freiwald, employee at the KTI, on 3-9-
1959 and W.Schade on 12-2-1959, StA Hannover, Az.2 Js 299/60
[ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/59, Bl.68f and 181].

59. See, note 44.

Page ten, p.412

60. File entry dated 27.4.1942 and 5.6.1942 (note 3).

61. File entry dated 23.6.1942 (note 5).

62. Letter by Rauff to the KTI dated 26-3-1942 (note 2).

63. Cf. the following statements/arguments p.413 [Page

64. Note 41, pp.186 ff.

65. Deposition by a member of this command, Lauer, StA
Darmstadt, Az. Ks 1/67 [ZSL 205 AR-Z 269/60, Bl.2390ff].
P.Blobel, leader of _Einsatzkommando 4a_, testified on 6-5-
1947 in Nuremberg, that a gas-van was used already in
September or October 1941. This statement cannot be correct.
Howeber, his description of the smaller vehicles is
conclusive. Nuremberg Document NO-3824.

66. ibid.

67. L.Bednarz, Extermination Camp at Chelmno, in: German
Crimes  in Poland 1/1946, p.110. Regarding _Sonderkommando
Lange_ cf. Rueckerl, _NS-Vernichtungslager_, pp.243ff .

68. See note 1.

Page eleven, p.413

69. Deposition by the driver K.Gebel on 23-10-1962, StA
Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 20/59,

70. IMT-Doc 501-PS.

71. See note 41, pp.195 ff.

72. Court-decision on Drexel and Kehrer, StA Muenchen I,
Az.119c Ks 6 a-b/70, Bl.33-35 [ZSL, Az.Sammelakte 32].

73. Deposition by Becker on 26-40-1960, StA Giessen, Az.3 Js
11/60 [ZSL, Az.2 AR-Z 311/59, Bl.194]

74. ibid., Bl.195; Becker's statements are ascertained by
Ohlendorf, _Einsatzgruppen_-case Per. ??02 VI, Interrogation

75. Consequently, all dates given before this date and
relating to the usage of gas-vans cannot be correct. Cf.
note 65 too.

78. Deposition by Jeckeln on 21-12-1945 (note 41), p.548.

79. See the arguments on p.414 [Page twelve].

Page twelve , p.414

79. That the number of people carried in the van may be
viewed as a sure mark of the vans is ascertained by the
notes in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).

80. See notes 54 and 56.

81. See note 50.

82. This formulation/words were used by Becker in his report
on  16.5.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS.

83. Deposition by H.Wentritt on 2. 2. 1960 (see note 44),
Bl.260h; letter on 15.6.1942, IMT-Doc 501-PS.

84. Deposition by H.Hoffmanns on 27.1.1959, StA Duesseldorf,
Az. 8 Js 7212/59 [ZSL, Az.439 AR-Z 18a/1960, Bl.28];
deposition by A.Becker on 26-3-1960 (note 71), Bl.195. As
the first series consisted not only of chassis of one type,
Becker couldn't give a more precise designation in his
report on 16.5.1942, as he did with the vans of the second

85. See above p.410 [Page eight].

86. Letter to Gaubschat company on 30.4.1942, Copy ZSL, USA
Dok. Film I Nr.26f.; Letter from Becker to Rauff on
16.5.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS; Letter from Schaefer to Rauff on
9.6.1952 (note 4); Truehe to Rauff on 15.6.1942 (note 5).

87. Note in the files on 27.4.1942 (note 3). This number of
people can be calculated from the measures given there.

88. See note 5.

89. See note 44 (Bl.429).

90. See note 3.

Page thirteen, p.415

91. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).

92. Cf. note 86.

93. This may be concluded from a letter from Gaubschat
company to Rauff on 14.5.1942 (note 3).

94. Cf. the letters on 9. and 15.6.1942 and Becker's report
on 16.5.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS. Regarding the witness-
testimonies see _NS-Massentoetung_, pp.87ff.

95. See note 62.

96. Deposition by A.Becker on 28-1-1960 (note 17), Bl.44.

97. See note 3.

98. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).

Page fourteen, p.416

99. See above p.413 [Page eleven]

100. Deposition by Becker on 26-3-1960 (note 73).

101. ibid. Bl.197f.

102. ibid.; cf. his report on 16.5.1942 too.

103. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).

104. See note 5; deposition by H.Munk on 3.2.1959, StA
Karlsruhe, Az. Js 2138/58 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 220/59,

105. 16.5.1942 (note 82)

106. Note in the files 5.6.1942 (note 4). Deposition by
A.Widmann on 11.1.1960 (note 14).

107. See note 6.

108. IMT-Doc 501-PS.

109. ibid.

110. Deposition by M.Draheim on 29.8.1961, StA Hannover, Az.
2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/1959, Bl.294f] deposition
by W.Schmidt, ibid, Bl.260zf.

111. IMT, Vol.4, deposition on 3.1.1946, p.357.

Page fifteen, p.417

112. Deposition by Becker on 28-4-1960 (note 96), Bl.43.

113. Cf. depositions by the drivers G.Laabs and K.Gebel
(notes 1 and 69).

114. Deposition by A.Truehe on 16-10-1959, ZSL, Az 2 AR-Z
311/59, Bl.43ff.

115. Cf. draft version of a letter from the
official/administrative servant at the ministry for the
occupied territories to the _Reichskommisar_ for the
_Ostland_ on 25.10.1942, Doc. No-365;
deposition by SS- and Police-Leader Warthegau W.Koppe on 2-2-
1960, StA Bonn, Az.18 Js 52/60 [ZSL, Az.220/59, Bl.138f.].

116. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4). There we read:
"Since December 1941 e.g., 97.000 have been processed with 3
vans employed, without any failure of the vehicles."

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