Shofar FTP Archive File: camps/chelmno/gas-wagons/sonderdruck.0387
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Subject: Holocaust Almanac: Chelmno's Gas Wagons (1 of 15)
[Translation]
Archive/File: camps/chelmno/gas-wagons/sonderdruck.0387
Last-Modified: 1996/03/08
< Mathias Beer,>
<"Die Entwicklung der Gaswagen beim Mord an den Juden">
< Miszelle>
< Vierteljahreshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte, 37 (3), pp. 403-417>
sonder
[Title Page]
EDITED by
KARL DIETRICH BRACHER AND HANS-PETER SCHWARZ
Pre/Re-print of part 3/1987
Page One, p.403
---------------
Miscellany
MATHIAS BEER
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE GAS-VAN IN THE MURDERING OF THE JEWS
The gas-van is a special product of the Third Reich, it is a
van with a gas-tight cabin/container-box/superstructure
mounted on its chassis/understructure used to kill people by
the motor-exhausts led into that cabin. The designation was
coined only later: "_Gaswagen_ [Gas-van] - that was the
common word only afterwards/later". [1]
In the contemporaneous documents the designation doesn't
arise. There the words _Sonder-Wagen_[2],
_Sonderfahrzeug_[3], _Spezialwagen_[4] and _S-Wagen_[5]
[Special van, special vehicle] are used. In a letter dating
from April 11th 1942 with hindsight to camouflage the word
_Entlausungswagen_ [delousing-van] is used.[6]
There are in all fourteen documents related to that complex,
allowing to assess which types of vans were
transformed/rebuilt into gas-vans and providing technical
data on the container/cabin/superstructure. The documents
give informations about the producers/vendors of the vans,
about technical improvements due to practical experience,
about the operation
Page Two, p.404
---------------
and the operating locations of different vans, moreover the
responsible official services and individuals in charge of
the employment of gas-vans are named. Hence a rather
detailed picture emerges which is, however, not
exhaustive/complete as documents are available only for the
timespan/period starting in 1942 when gas-vans were already
in use for the killings of human beings [7].
Based only on the written records not much can be said about
the period when the gas-vans were under development. So the
route of decisions leading to the construction and the
operation/usage of these vans remains unclear/obscure. This
state of things may be amended by the results of the
multitude of trials held since 1945.
In the Federal Republic mainly since 1958 the installation
of the Central Agency [_Zentrale Stelle der
Landesjustizverwaltungen_ =ZSL] for the prosecution of
national-socialist crimes in Ludwigsburg and the
investigations started by that agency have enlarged our
knowledge about the crimes of the NS-regime[8]. However, the
historian cannot adopt results of trials without probing
them, as jurisdiction and historiographic science are
directed by different purposes [9].
With the historian, witness-testimonies are of formost
importance as they assist in closing gaps left by documents.
But due to their pecularities witness-testimonies may be
used as equals to documents and appraised by the historic
research with valid results only if certain principles are
obeyed [10].
The basic principle requires that the link between testimony
and critically validated documents shouldn't be abandoned
whenever possible, that is, the most probable fact must be
linked to the certified fact [11].
There will remain questions which can't be answered
satisfactorily by this method. There are witness testimonies
reporting that during the cleansing/purging of mentally
insane in the hospitals
in Poland 1939/40 a hermetic sealed trailer with the label
"_Kaisers-Kaffee-Geschaeft" [about: Kaiser's coffee shop],
with a tractive unit/tractor/towing vehicle in front was
used.
Page Three, p.405
-----------------
In the trailer, insane persons were killed allegedly by the
introduction of pure carbon-monoxide (CO) from (steel)
cylinders [12]. The origin/source of these vehicles cannot
be traced back as documents are lacking. However, there are
hints that there is a link between "_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans
and the gas-vans. Therefore we first investigate the few
testimonies related to "_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans and then the
development of the gas-vans.
In a letter dated 1st september 1939, Hitler entitles/orders
his personal/assisting medecin Dr.Karl Brandt and the
_Reichsleiter_ Philipp Bouhler of the Fuehrer's chancellery
to carry out the _Euthanasie_ -program [13]. The
_Kriminaltechnisches Institut [KTI]_ in the
_Reichssicherheitshauptamt [RSHA]_ was ordered to
test/explore appropriate killing procedures/agencies, and
reported that the best method to kill would be the use of CO
[14].
Following first experimental gassings in the prison of
Brandenburg/havel in January 1940 - in a hermetic sealed
room mentally insane had been killed with pure CO -, the
method was used in all other "_Euthanasie_" set-ups/centers.
The necessary CO was acquired by the _Fuehrer's_ chancellery
under cover-up/camouflage indirectly via the KTI, this
being based on an agreement between the head of the
_Euthanasie_-agency, Brack, and Widmann, head of the
_Referat V D2_ (Chemistry and Biology) [16].
On order by Nebe, head of _Amt V_ [department] (counter-
criminality) in the RSHA, _SS-Sturmfuehrer_ Becker got the
(steel) cylinders at the IG Farben [factory] in
Ludwigshafen and delivered them to the different
installations [17]. _SS-Sturmbannfuehrer_ Heess, head of the
KTI, was knowledgeable/knew about the close
relation/collaboration beteen the Fuehrer's chancellery and
the KTI [18].
The "_Kaisers-Kaffe_"-van operated through the same
principle as the gas-chambers of the "_Euthanasie_"-
installations. CO was guided into a trailer through hoses
from a cylinder which was fixed to the tractor. This was,
hence, a gas-chamber on wheels [19]. Witnesses report that
since september 1939 the _Sonderkommando Lange_ [Special
commnad/task force] killed mentally
Page Four, p.406
----------------
insane people in such vans in pommeranian, eastern-prussian
and polish hospitals [20].
The name of that command is derived from the name of its
head, _SS-Sturmfuehrer_ and _Kriminalrat_ Herbert Lange. The
letter from the Higher SS- and Police leader Koppen to the
_SS-Gruppenfuehrer_ Sporrenberg elucidates the
operationing/work of that command in Soldau:
"The special command being under my command for
particular tasks was sent to Soldau during the
time from 21.5 to 8.6.1940 in accord with the RSHA
and has evacuated 1588 insane persons from the
transition-camp during that time." [21]
A vehicle of that kind was brought with Lange either from
the RSHA (the testimonies by Gustav Sorge [22] and the
important role of the _Gruppe II D_, technical matters, in
the RSHA in the later development of the gas-van [23] back
this assumption, or he organized its production in
collaboration with the RSHA [24].
Alfred Trenker, deputy head of the _Stapo_ bureau (state
police) in Posen testified that Lange had told him in summer
1940, he, Lange, had to travel to Berlin and the RSHA
several times
because of "conferences/meetings about the suitable type of
gassing-vans" [25].
These testimonies let suppose that the operationing of the
"_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans was optimized for the purpose of the
_Sonderkommando Lange_, which had probably the taks to
practically test these vehicles. Apparently, they didn;t
operate adequately (Lange mentioned something to that extent
against Trenker [26]) and the _Sonderkommando Lange_ was
disbanded/ got leave soon after their task in Soldau.
Starting from that time, there aren't found any reports
about the operations/usage of that kind of vehicles.
The exchange of letters/correspondence about the still due
payments in connection with the _Sonderkommando Lange_,
which lasted till february 1941, shows that as well Himmler
knew about the whole affair. In a letter by Koppe to Karl
Wolff, head of the personal staff of the _Reichsfuehrer
SS_, dated 22. February 1941, it is mentioned, "that you by
order of the _Reichsfuehrer SS_ would decide about the
payments of the transportation costs" [27].
Page five, p.407
----------------
From the date of the first usage, we may infer that
"_Kaisers-Kaffee_"-vans were prepared beginning in the end
of 1939 till midyear 1940 with assistance of the Fuehrer's
chancellery and the RSHA.
On 15 and 16th August 1941 Himmler was in Baranowitschi
[English spelling?] and Minsk [28] And inspected an action
of [liquidation/execution] by shooting in the area of
_Einsatzgruppe B_ [29].
The attending Higher SS- and Police-Leader in Center Russia
["Russland Mitte"] von dem Bach-Zelewski reported later,
Himmler was moved/shaken apparently by this action.[30]
After that, Himmler had visited a hospital/sanatorium for
mentally insane people and afterwards ordered the Leader of
_Einsatzgruppe B_, Nebe, to search/investigate means, fit to
shorten the suffering of the people as far as possible [31],
as he had concluded from the experience with the execution
by shooting "that shooting wasn't yet the most human way"
[32].
He [i.e. Nebe] should send "a report" about those
investigations. Himmler addressed Nebe, as the KTI,
subordinated to the 'Amt V', had excelled in the
investigation/development of killing procedures during the
"Euthanasia" program, so that their experiences could be
employed now. Nebe was simultaneously head of that 'Amt V'
[department] in the RSHA. Relying on this position, in
beginning September he ordered Widmann to come to Minsk with
explosives and two metal-hoses/tubes [33].
Widmann had had discussed this order with his immediate
boss/superior Heess. This elucidates that apart of the
stress for the execution squads/commands, a further reason
was given for the following experiments:
"It was discussed with Heess also about the usage
of [poisonous] gas in the killing of mentally
insane persons, especially about the impossibility
to transport the CO-cylinders in Russia." [34]
The CO-cylinders would have been necessary, if one was
intending to use "_Kaisers-Kaffe_"-vans or gas-chambers as
they were used in the "Euthanasia" program.
Page six, p.408
---------------
When the blasting/explosion of a bunker in Minsk, into which
mentally insane persons had been brought, didn't show the
intended result/success, an experiment with the metal hoses,
which Widmann had carried with him, was undertaken in the
sanatorium for mentally insanes/asylum of Mogilew, which
Himmler had visited also [35]. About this, Widmann testified
on 11th January 1960:
"Nebe has ordered to close the windows with brick-work and
to leave two openings for the gas-pipes on that afternoon
... When we arrived, first one of the hoses, which had been
with me in the car, was fixed/connected. The connection was
made to a passenger vehicle. In the openings of the wall,
there were pieces of pipes/tubes were situated, where/onto
which one could easily affix the hoses ... After five
minutes, Nebe came out and said, there wasn't any effect
yet.
Also after eight minutes, he couldn't observe any effect and
asked, what had to be done now. Nebe and I convinced
ourselves, that the car was too weak. Hence, Nebe
ordered/caused/made the second hose to be fixed to the van
[to transport troops] of the _Ordnungspolizei_. Then it took
only a few minutes, Till the people lost consciousness. One
left [the motors of] both cars running for about another ten
minutes [36].
The incident just described is also reported in the
deposition by the Russian doctor N.N.Akimova of 18th
November 1946, who gives as date of the experiment the 186h
September [37]. Hence/therefor, Widmann and his aides must
have been in Minsk and Mogilev from 13th to 21st September
[38]. The relation between these experiments and Himmler's
visit and order is revealed/given/elucidated in another
deposition by Widmann: " Nebe wanted to discuss the matter
with me, as he said, that he had to report it to Himmler."
[39]
Nebe must have learned by these two experiments, that only
the idea to kill with exhaust gases, which most probably was
his own, was feasible [40].
Page seven, p.409
-----------------
But the _Einsatzgruppen_, for the usage of which the new
more "humane" killing method was searched/investigated,
couldn't use/handle a gas-chamber with fixed location, in
which people were killed by exhaust-gases. They had to be
mobile, to fulfill their task [41]. Based on these
considerations and the past experience, a plan/project
emerged the KTI to build gas-vans. Nebe and Heess proposed
this to their commander Heydrich, head of the security
police and the SD [42].
Widmann testified about this:
"I was informed by Heess shortly about the result
of his report in the _Prinz-Albrecht_-street
[Heydrich's head-quarter]. He told me, that vans
would be built/constructed, into which exhaust-
gases would be led/introduced, instead of the
recent application of CO-cylinders." [43]
It becomes apparent, that "_Kaisers Kaffe_"-vans, which were
known in the KTI, had been the model for the gas-vans -
mobile, gas-tightly sealed, close boxes. However, because of
the technical difficulties, the pure CO couldn't simply be
replaced by exhaust-gases. A new construction was necessary
which unified traction unit, trailer and the source of the
poisonous gas.
Heydrich's immediate superior/boss was Himmler since the
decree of 27th September 1939. Therewith the circle is
closed.
Heydrich had supposedly heard about the experiments in
advance, and was therefore in the "secret", otherwise it
couldn't be understood, why Nebe and Heess
contacted/approached him. Heydrich was also in a position to
lend the necessary technical support to the KTI. He
approached _SS-Obersturmfuehrer_ Rauff, head of
group/department II D3 (technical matters), with its
subgroup/sub-department being led by _SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer_
Pradel. He [Pradel] testified in his trial that Rauff had
told him: " This is an order by Heydrich which has to be
carried out." [44]
In this sense, we may also understand Rauff's deposition on
28th June 1972 in Santiago de Chile:"I think, it is
impossible that Pradel undertook the development of the gas-
vans on his own. He must have had an order either by me or
someone with a higher position."[45]
Page eight, p.410
-----------------
Wentritt, head of the repairing-shop/park in _Referat II
D3a_ testified concerning this:
"Still in 1941, I was summoned to the head of the
group/department, Major Pradel. He declared/told
me, that the execution squads in action suffered
often from nervous break-down (respectively were
close to it), so that a more humane killing
method should be used. We needed therefore - as
Pradel stated _ closed/sealed vans/motor
vehicles."[46]
Pradel ordered Wentritt to test/investigate whether it was
possible to lead motor-exhausts in the closed/sealed
superstructure of a van. When Wentritt answered this in the
affirmative, Pradel communicated the positive/affirmative
answer to Rauff and got back with the order to contact
Heess. Heess detailed, how such a van had to be constructed
and how it should operate.
On Rauff's order, Pradel and Wentritt visited the
_Gaubschat_-factory/company in Berlin-Neukoelln, which was
specialized in the production of sealed/closed box-
superstructures [47] where they pretended, that they needed
the vans to transport the dead victims/corpses of a spotted
fever epidemic.
They made an agreement that the RSHA should deliver the
chassis to the factory "which had to put a box-
superstructure on top of them." [48]
The order was given directly by Rauff, probably in a
letter/in-written form [49]. But Pradel's attempt to
purchase chassis was a failure, so that an intervention by
Rauff was necessary. He testified on 19th October 1945: "In
so far as I can recall I only supplied 5 or 6 [[chassis]]."
[50][English in original]
When the chassis had been delivered to the Gaubschatt
company, Wentritt informed himself several times about the
on-going construction work and fetched the first van
himself. He provided this van with the following alterations
in the workshop of _Referat II D 3a_, as the matter was
classified as "_geheime Reichssache_"[highest level of
secrecy]:
"At the exhaust-pipe an exhaust-hose was fixed
which was led from the exterior to the bottom of
the van. In this van we drilled a hole with
diameter of about 58-60 mm, the diameter of the
exhaust-pipe. Into the interior of the van, above
the hole, we welded a metal pipe (exhaust pipe),
which was connected or could be connected to the
exhaust-hose. Upon starting the motor, the
exhaust went into the exhaust-pipe and from there
into the exhaust-pipe in the interior of the van,
where the [exhaust-]gas was spread." [51]
Page nine, p.411
----------------
On Pradel's order, Wentritt brought this van, so prepared,
to the KTI, where gaseous samples were taken in the box-
superstructure. The chemist Leiding, collaborator in the
KTI, testified:
"I once entered that van with a gas-mask. I had
the order/task to take air-samples. Those air-
samples were hence analyzed in the laboratory."
Why these analyses were necessary may be understood from
Widmann's deposition on 12th January 1960:
"The objective of that analysis was, by the way,
to find out how long it took to reach a CO-
concentration of 1% in the van. At this CO-
contents, deep unconsciousness and then death
occur in a short time (3rd stage of CO poisoning).
One intended to prevent the first and second stage
of CO-poisoning. The first stage is numbness and
nausea, the second stage is marked by states of
agitation/irritation."[53]
Short time late, an experimental gassing took place in the
concentration camp Sachsenhausen ( the KTI had there a
workshop/atelier). At the gassing, Heess, the two chemists
Leiding and Hoffmann, and beyond some SS-officers attended.
Widmann wasn't present [54].
Following Krausnick/Wilhelm, he was in Kiew on about X[?]th
November [55]. The experimental gassing in Sachsenhausen
must have taken place on that date. Regarding the events in
Sachsenhausen, Leiding testified:
"I understood only later the intended purpose of
the van, in which I had taken an air sample. One
day, I was summoned to travel to Sachsenhausen ...
and there was a van, which was equal or like that,
which I had seen in the yard of the
_Reichskriminalpolizeiamt_.
The number of men, which entered into the van, may
have been around/about 30 ...
The corpses had, as we chemists found out/observed
the typical pink outlook of men, who had died of a
CO-poisoning." [56]
Heess reported the success of the experimental gassing not
only to Pradel [57], but he wrote a report together with
Widmann, which was supposedly delivered to Heydrich [57].
Hence the prototype of the gas-vans was developed/ready and
tested. The remaining vans, ordered at the Gaubschat
factory, were as well altered into gas-vans now [59].
Page ten, p.412
---------------
The course of events described here is corroborated by the
analogous proceedings/activities in 1942. Since April there
were plans/schemes in _Reerat II D 3a_, how to improve the
gas-vans, how to expand/augment the killing capacity and how
to facilitate their operationing/handling. [60] The
proceeding was analogous to the development of the
prototype. The matter was debated first internally, then
Rauff gave an order for a van with the planned alterations
to the Gaubschat factory. This one should be tested
practically and only after that a decision should be taken
on the vans to be altered further.[61]
When starting with the date of the experimental gassing at
Sachsenhausen and considering the time necessary to rebuild
the vans to be about 8-14 days [62] and the time to bring
the vans to the locations of operations [63], we may
conclude, that the first gas-vans could be used only in the
end of November of beginning December 1941.
The first usage of a gas-van may be traced down in the
operation area of _Einsatzgruppe C_ [64] with the
_Sonderkommando 4a_ in Poltawa. Eye-witnesses report that a
gas-van was used there in November 1941 in the killings of
the Jews [65]. The van is described as follows:
"The gas-van was used in the same place [[i.e.
there were also shootings]. Each time about 30
people were carried in them. As far I know, the
passengers were killed by exhaust-gases led into
it." [66]
The usage of gas-vans by the already known _Sonderkommando
Lange_ is testified for the 8th December in Chelmno [67].
Hence, not only in the experimental phase, but as well in
the operationing, experienced staff was employed. In
Chelmno, two smaller vans were operationing first. Gustav
Laabs, the driver of one of the vans, testified:
"Later I found out, that the vans were American 3-
tons-trucks. ... The interior of their box-
container was, as I later saw 4m in length to 2m
in width. ... In the gas-van, I drove, ... about
50 people were gassed." [68]
Page eleven, p.413
------------------
Still before Christmas 1941 two smaller gas-vans were
brought from Berlin to Riga [69]. These were the smaller
"Daimond"-vans, which were named/mentioned in a letter by
_SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer_ Truehe to Rauff on 15th July 1942
[70].
In the operation area of _Einsatzgruppe D_ [71] the presence
of a gas-van, which could carry about 50 persons, is
testified/assured by testimony for the end of 1941.
This date may be certified by the deposition of _SS-
Untersturmfuehrer_ Becker. He was transferred to the RSHA in
December 1941 after a conference/consultation between
Himmler and Brack [73].
Hence, Himmler observed/had in mind/supervised the
operations of the gas-vans further. In the RSHA, Ruff
ordered him (Becker) to travel to the East to
investigate/observe the operationing of the gas-vans. Becker
testified about this:
"He [[Rauff]] said, that gas-vans were already in
place or sent to the different
_Einsatzgruppen_."[47]
This must have taken place shortly before 14th December, as
Becker couldn't begin his travel, intended for that day,
because of an accident; so his travel was postponed until in
beginning 1942 [73]. The projected date of Becker's
inspection travel may have been meaningful only if the gas-
vans had been sent to the _Einsatzgruppen_ shortly before
it.
So it is assured/certain that gas-vans were used beginning
with the end of November or beginning December 1941 [76].
The Higher SS- and Police-Leader Jeckeln testified in 1945:
"In December 1941, when I reported orally the
completion of Himmler's order to execute by
shooting the Jews of the Ghetto in Riga to him,
Himmler told me that shooting was too complicated
an action. In the shootings, one needed troops who
were able to shoot, and that it had a bad
influence on the men. So, said Himmler further, it
would be best to destroy/liquidate/kill the people
with gas-vans, which upon his order had been built
in Germany."[77]
The six gas-vans, described so far, (one with _Einsatzgruppe
C_, two in Chelmno, two in Riga, one with _Einsatzgruppe D-
), which were operating until end of 1941, Had two features
in common, the exterior appearance and the number of people
they could carry [78].
Page twelve, p.414
------------------
The vans were smaller, 3-tons-trucks, with a superstructure
of about 4m in length, in which 30-50 persons could be
carried [79].
The same description fits on the vans, in which air-samples
were taken in the yard of the KTI, and which were later
tested in Sachsenhausen. Leiding and Hoffmann testify
unanimously, that the vans were 3-tons transporters in which
thirty men were killed [80].
According to Rauff and Wentritt, firstly five or six chassis
had been purchased and delivered to the Gaubschat factory
[81]. Hence, in 1941, first six vans with 3-tons weight
have been prepared/built and were operating starting in
November or December. These are the vans of the "first
series"[82] with at least two different types of chassis,
"Daimond" [83] and "Opel-Blitz" [84].
That one used vans with different types is related to the
difficulties with the purchase of the chassis in the
beginning [85]. The sources and testimonies report as well
that larger vans, type "Saurer" were rebuilt/altered into
gas-vans [86]. These were trucks with 8 tons with a box-
superstructure with 5.8m length and 1.7m height, which could
carry up to one hundred people [87]. In a note in the files
of _Referat II D3a_ on 23th June 1942 is remarked:
"According to transaction/proceeding II D3a - 1737/41, an
order on 30 special superstructures for chassis delivered
was given to Gaubschat company. 20 vehicles are already
finished and have been delivered." [88]
Conforming with the high number of vans ordered, the order
must have been given late in 1941 [89]. That the whole order
was related only to Saurer-vans is certified by a note on
27th April 1942, which relates to the transaction-number
1737 [90]. The sketches/blueprints enjoined show that
"proposals for a fast discharge equipment@ were only
provided for the Saurer vans.
Page thirteen, p. 415
---------------------
As construction plans for such an equipment were provided
only for this type of van - they should be added/built into
the vans already in operation subsequently - we may
conclude, that the whole order for thirty chassis consisted
of Saurer-vans. This consideration is corroborated by a
letter from Becker to Rauff on 16th May 1942:
"While the vans of the first series can be used in
not too bad weather, the vans of the second series
(Saurer) are completely immobile in rainy
weather." [92]
It becomes apparent, that Becker distinguishes between two
series of vans; moreover, the description "Saurer" for the
vans of the second series is only meaningful, if all vans in
this series were of them same type. Hence , the _Referat II
D 3a_ issued an order and delivered the Saurer-chassis to
equip them with the superstructures/boxes/containers in the
end 1941 and in April 1942 already 20 of them had been
delivered [93].
The sources and witnesses say that gas-vans of the Saurer-
type were operating only in January 1942 [94], i.e. later
than the smaller vans.
Considering the necessary time for the construction works
[95], the order 1737 cannot be issued before December 1941.
Becker's distinction relates therefore not only to the size
of the vans, but as well to the date of their construction
and of their operationing. This means that for starting six
smaller vans had been built and were used, but already since
December 1941, one only built larger vans of the Saurer-
type, firstly, as one intended to provide each
_Sonderkommando_ of the different _Einsatzgruppen_ with at
least one van, and secondly to expand and extend the gassing-
capacity.
That the latter aim was foremost is shown by the note of
27th April 1942, which discusses several possibilities ("tip-
up equipment for the box-superstructure", "facility to tip-
up the bottom-grate", "facility to move in and out the
bottom-grate") to achieve a quicker discharge of the 'cargo'
(=gassed people) [97]. Even when it turned out that the
large vans couldn't be used in the open ground in all
weather it wasn't thought of using smaller vans as in the
beginning, only the box-superstructure should be slightly
shortened [98].
_Referat II D 3a_ was not only responsible for technical
matters but as well for the operationing/handling of the
vans/transportation park of the security police and
consequently for the gas-vans.
Page fourteen, p.416
--------------------
This is elucidated not only by the official tasks of the
_Referat_, but as well by the work of _SS-Untersturmfuehrer_
Becker [99]. On Rauff's order he travelled to the
_Einsatzgruppen_ to supervise the operationing/handling of
the gas-vans and to mend occurring faults/difficulties
[100].
According to his own statements, he was thus travelling from
mid January to September 1942 [101]. During this time, he
was in perpetual connection with Rauff, and reported
continuously about his supervising/observations and his
actions/work [102]. His reports provided basis of "technical
alterations/improvements" which should be applied in the
construction of vehicles which were still to be built [103].
Becker's intervening wouldn't have been necessary if the
group Rauff had been responsible only for the
production/construction/preparation of the vans. Becker's
task shows that the group II D3 was as well responsible for
the operationing/maintenance/handling of the vans. This is
as well certified by the sources.
On 15th June 1942, the Commanding Leader of the Security
Police and of the SD in _Ostland_ [administrative district
in occupied SU, comprising parts of Lithuania, Poland,
Byelorussia - around Vilna, Baranowicze, Minks, Sluzk]
addressed a request to Rauff for an additional van of
Saurer-type [104].
In the same place, he ordered "another 20 exhaust-hoses to
be send along, as the existing were already untight". From
Becker's report we may infer that the failure of a van had
to be reported by wireless telegraph to the _Amt II D_ and
that the vans had to be sent to Berlin in the case of more
involved repairs[105]. The note in the file on 5th June 1942
reports that a gas-van was exploded in Chelmno. This
incident caused Rauff to order new experiments on gas-
samples by the KTI.
In the same place, the "services affected by this [got]
special instructions" and smaller alterations to the vans
were undertaken to prevent [the building-up] of high
pressures in the box-superstructures [106].
_SS-Gruppenfuehrer_ Harald Turner, head of the
administration staff with the military commander in Serbia,
had requested and got a gas-van in April 1942 for the
killing of the Jews of Belgrad [107].
On 9th June this Saurer-van was sent back to Belin after
completed "special task" [108]. After due repair, it was
sent to Riga conforming to the request on 15th June [109].
Often the gas-vans have been seen on intermediate stops on
their way to the East, e.g. in Breslau or Krakau [110].
The Leader of _Einsatzgruppe D_, Ohlendorf, testified that
the gas-vans didn't belong to the transportation-
park/rolling stock of the _Einsatzgruppe_, but were
commissioned/leased to them from Berlin [111].
Page fifteen, p.417
-------------------
With the gas-vans, the drivers, who had got a training to
the handling of the vans [112] were sent along. Gas-vans
drivers testified that on order of the operative leader of
group II D 3a they had fetched/got the vans in Berlin and
brought them to their operation location/area [113].
This means, that _Amt II D 3a_ was not only responsible for
the construction of the gas-vans, but it
directed/orchestrated centrally from/in the RSHA the
operations of the gas-vans [114], providing the vans,
drivers, and exchange parts/equipment; it
controlled/supervised and coordinated the operationing of
the vehicles.
For finishing, a conclusion of the results:
In the period of four months, on order by Himmler, a new
killing method, the gas-van, was developed in the following
sequence of actions/events:
- 15./16.8.1941 Himmler's order.
- 16./18.9. Experiments in Minsk and Mogilev.
- Early October, order given to _Amt II D 3a_
- 3.11. experimental gassing in Sachsenhausen.
- Late November and in December first usage of the vans.
In this the RSHA cooperated closely with the following
services:
- the KTI; here emerged the idea to build gas-vans; and it
was responsible for the "chemistry part" of the experiments.
- _Referat II D 3a_; it prepared two series of vans, six
smaller ones (Daimond and Opel-Blitz) and the thirty Saurer-
vans; it directed and supervised the operationing of the
vans, centrally from Berlin.
In the development of the gas-vans, the experience gathered
during the "Euthanasia", which was stopped officially in
1941 was purposively applied/used in technical matters
("_Kaisers Kaffee_"-vans) as well as with the staff employed
(KTI, Becker, Lange). Unlike the case of "_Kaisers Kaffee_"-
vans, a participation of Fuehrer's chancellery cannot be
stated/found here. This staff worked during that time on the
development of another method which was used in the
destruction centers since 1942.
"Technical developments" were a precondition for the
perpetration of the premeditated/intended crimes. The step-
wise perfectioning of the killing-methods were the
development of the gas-van was only one step in the sequel
of national-socialist killing methods, result in the killing
of ever more people, mainly Jews.
Footnotes
---------
Page One, p.403
---------------
1. Deposition by Gustav Laabs driver of a gas-van in
Chelmno, dated 29.11.1960, _Staatsanwaltschaft (StA)_
[Attorney bureau] Bonn, _Aktenzeichen (Az)_ [Filen-number] 8
Js 52/60
[[ZSL, Az.203 AR-Z 69/59, Bl.912]]. The designation/word is
used as well in the literature and by witnesses.
Raul Hilberg, {The destruction of the European Jews},
Chicago 1961, p.219, uses "{gas-van}", apparently a
tranlation of the German word.
_SS-Obersturmfuehrer_ Walter Rauff, _Gruppenleiter_
[department-leader] of Dienststelle_[department of
services] II D (Technical matters) in the RSHA
[_Reichssicherheitshauptamt_:
Main security bureau in the Reich] speaks in his affidavit
dated 19.10.1945 about "{death vans}", International
Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals Before
the International Military
Tribunal, Nuremberg (IMT) Vol.30, Doc.2384-PS. In the
description given in document IMT 501-PS the word
_Vergasungswagen_ [gassing-van] is used.
2. Letter by Rauff to the KTI [Kriminaltechnisches Institut]
dated 26.3.1942. Copy in ZSL, Folder: Verschiedenes Nr.227.
3. Entry/note in file dated 27.4.1942, Copy in ZSL, USA Dok.
Film I, Bl.19-25; Letter by _Firma Gaubschat_
[Company/manufacturer] to the _Referat_ [sub-department]
IID 3a of the RSHA dated 14.5.1942, ZSL, USA Dok. Film I,
Bl.28.
4. Entry/note in file dated 5.6.1942, Copy ZSL, USA Dok.
Film I, Bl.9-14; facsimile in:
_Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung durch Giftgas. Eine
Dokumentation, hrsg. von A.Rueckerl/E.Kogon/H.Langbein
u.a._, Frankfurt a. M.1983, pp.333-337. [This should be
also available in the English Translation now] Letter by _SS-
Obersturmfuehrer_ Schaefer to Rauff dated 9.6.1942, IMT-Doc.
501-PS.
5. Letter by _SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer_ Truehe to Rauff dated
15.6.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS. The "S" is probably an
abbreviation to _spezial_ or _sonder_ [special]. These
adverbs were originally
used with respect to the container-superstructure, which was
specially manufactured. Cf. entry/note in file dated
23.6.1942, Copy ZSL, USA Dok. Film II, B1.14-16, where the
word
_Spezialaufbauten_ [special superstructure] is used. The
relation to the camouflage word _Sonderbehandlung_ [special
treatment], i.e. killing is apparent, IMT-Doc. 501-PS.
6. Letter by _SS-Gruppenfuehrer_ Harald Turner to _SS-
Obergruppenfuehrer_ Karl Wolff, head of the personal staff
of the _Reichsfuehrer SS (RFSS)_ [Leader of the SS,
H.Himmler], dated 11.4.1942, StA Muenchen II, Az.10a Js
39/60, bill of indictment/accusation [[ZSL, Az. Sammelakte
137, Bl.164-167].
Page Two, p.404
---------------
7. The earliest document is dated 26.3.1942, cf. Note [2].
In the entry dated 5.6.1942 it is noted that since december
1941 97.000 human beings were "processed", i.e. killed with
tree
vans, cf. Note [4].
8. See as well: A.Rueckerl (ed.): _NS-Vernichtungslager im
Spiegel deutscher Strafprozesse. Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka,
Chelmno._ Muenchen 1977; same author: _NS-Prozess nach 25
Jahren Strafverfolgung. Moeglichkeiten, Grenzen, Ergebnisse,
Karlsruhe 1971. _Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung_
Frankfurt a.M. 1983. Here I'd like to thank the ZSL for the
support and the helps, especially Mr Chief-attorney
A.Rueckerl, Mr Chief-attorney A. Streim, Mr attorney
W.Dressen, Inspector S.Fritschle and last but not least Mrs
H.Doms from the documentation.
9. I.Arndt/W.Scheffler: _Organisierter Massenmord an den
Juden in nationalsozialistischen Vernichtungslagern. Ein
Beitrag zur Richtigstellung apologetischer Literatur_, in:
VfZ 24 (1976),
S.115 Anm.20.
10. See for an excellent example, A.Streim, _Die Behandlung
der Kriegsgefangenen im Fall Barabarossa_, Heidelberg 1981,
S.74 ff. In the following, the different quality of
documents and witness testimonies is remarked here, by
notifying each quotation from a depostition.
11. This allows for instance to check the
credibility/consistency of witnesses. If there exist
consistency between document and testimony, it is
reasonable to assume that the witness's
deposition is reliable/trustworthy as well with respect to
facts/ cases which aren't covered by documents.
Page Three , p.405
------------------
12. Deposition by H.H.Renfranz, dated 10.10.1962, StA
Hannover, Az. 2 Js 614/62 [ZSL, Az. V 203 AR-???1101/1960,
Bl.2]. See also _Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung_, p.
^62 ff;
E.Klee, "_Euthanasie" im NS-Staat. Die "Vernichtung
lebenswerten Lebens_", Frankfurt a.M. 1983, S.106 ff and
S.190 ff.
13. IMT, Vol. 26, S.169.
14. Deposition by A.Widmann, Head of Abt. V D 2 (Chemistry
and Biology) in the KTI, dated 11.1.1960; StA Duesseldorf,
Az. 8 Js7212/59 [ZSL, Az.202 AR-Z 152/59, Bl.51 f.];
deposition by
A.Becker, 20.6.1961, StA Stuttgart, Az. 13 Js 328/60 [ZSL,
Az.439 AR-Z 18a/60, Bl.1001 ff.]
See also _Nationalsozialistische Massentoetung_, S.46; Klee,
"_Euthanasie_", S.84 f.
15. same sources as note [13]
16. deposition by A.Widmann, 27.1.1959, StA Duesseldorf,
Az.8 Js 7212/59 [ZSL, Az. 439 AR-Z 18a/??, Bl.36 f.]; Klee,
"_Euthanasie_", S.84 f.
17. deposition by A.Becker, 28.1.1960, StA Hannover, Az. 2
Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 220/59, Bl.36 ff.].
18. deposition by Walter Schade, datd 12.2.1959, StA
Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415, AR-Z 220/59, Bl.110
ff.].
19. cf. note [12]
Page Four , p.406
-----------------
20. cf. note [12]
21. Copy ZSL, USA Dok.Bd.II, Bl.6; see also Klee,
"_Euthanasie_", p.191.
22. He testified on 7.3.1962, that before 1941 another
"Gaswagen" was tested in Sachsenhausen and produced there;
StA Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/1960 [ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/59,
Bl.277 ff;
see also Rueckerl, NS-Vernichtungslager, p. 268, note 55.
23. Cf. text p.409 f. [Page Seven f.]
24. deposition by A.Trenkers, dated 17.5. 1962, StA
Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/59,
Bl.635].
25. deposition dated 16.5.1961, StA Bonn, Az.8 Js 52/60
[ZSL, Az. 203 AR-Z 69/59, Bl.678 f.].
26. Cf. note [24]
27. Copy of the correspondence in: ZSL, USA Dok.Bd.I, Bl.90
and 98; Bd.II, Bl.801-807. See as well Klee, "_Euthanasie_",
pp.190-193. Characteristically, on the letter there is a
note by Wolff, that he phone with Brack, one of the
responsibles in the "Euthanasie"- program, about the affair.
Page Five, p.407
----------------
28. _Diensttagebuch_ [Diary kept on duties during
service/official diary] Bach-Zelewski, Bundesarchiv,
Sign.R20/45b, Copy ZSL, _Findmittelschrank_ Nr.35.
Accordingly, Himmler was in Baranowitschi on 30-7-1941 and
in Baranowitschi and Minsk on 15/16th August 1941.
On 15th August, Bach attended/was drawn [to the visit], so
Himmler's observation of the
shootings is most likely to be dated on that day. Cf.
deposition by the Russian [lady-]doctor N.N.Akimova, who
reports about a visit spent by Himmler to a sanatorium in
August 1941; see A.Ebbinghaus/G.Preissler: _Die Ermordung
psychisch kranker Menschen in der Sowjetunion.
Dokumentation_, in: _Aussonderung und Tod. Die klinische
Hinrichtung der Unbrauchbaren_, Berlin 1985, p.188.
29. About _Einsatzgruppe B_: H.Krausnick/H.-H.Wilhelm, _Die
Truppe des Weltanschaungskrieges. Die Einsatzgruppen der
Sicherheitspolizei und des SD 1938-1942_, Stuttgart 1982,
p.179ff.
30. Deposition by Back-Zelewski in: _Aufbau_ (New York),
23.8.46, p.2. Cf. similar deposition by Karl Wolff,
Himmler's adjutant, who attended there too, StA Muenchen,
Az.10a Js 39/60, _Anklageschrift_ [bill of
indictment/accusation] [ZSL, Az.Sammelakte 137, Bl.140ff]
with further testimonies about the incidence.
31. Ibid. Cf. N.N.Akimova's deposition (note 28).
32. Deposition by Back-Zelewski (note 30 ). Cf. deposition
by the chemist H.Hoffmann, 7-1-59, StA Duesseldorf, 8 Js
7212/59 [ZSL, Az.439 AR-Z 18a/60,Bl.28].
33. Deposition by A.Widmann as of 11-1-1960 (note
14),Bl.45ff; A.Bauer, driver with the KTI, deposition as of
17-3-1960, H.Schmidt, collaborator with the KTI, StA Bremen,
Az.6Js 3/60
[ZSL, Az.202 AR-Z152/59, Bl.135; 201].
34. Deposition by A.Widmann as of 11-1-1960 (note 14),
Bl.46.
Page six , p.408
----------------
35. Cf. note 28
36. Same as note [14], Bl.50f. Gerald Reitlinger, _Die
Endloesung. Hitlers Versuch der Ausrottung der Juden Europas
1939-1945_, Berln 1951, mentions on page 1944, that in 1949
negatives were found in Nebe's home, which show this
incident/procedure. According to E.J.Else, superintendent of
transport services of the _K-Staffel_ [squad] in the 1st
company,
Police-Battaillon 3, the van, recognizable on these
pictures, belonged to his transport park. Deposition on 13-
12-1962, StA Frankfurt a.M., Az 4 Js 1928/60 [ZSL, Az.202 AR-
Z 152/1959, Bl.1127] Thus, he was member of _Einsatzkommando
8_, which participated in the experiment.
37. Ebbinghaus/Preissler, _Ermordung_, p.189. The
plausibility of this date is given by the following
relations: Bach-Zelewski couldn't attend at the final
conference/meeting because of a Russian air-attack/raid,
which happened on 17-9-1941 according to Bach-Zelewski's
diary.
Cf. too Widmann's deposition on 11-1-1960 (note 14).
38. This date may be exactly determined because the
witnesses name the days of the week on which they stayed in
Minsk and Mogilew. When relating these statements with the
exact fixture in time, 18-9, one gets the period for the
stay.
39. Deposition by A.Widmann on 11-1-1960 (note 14); further
testimonies in the same vein: Karl Schulz, Nebe's adjutant,
deposition on 9-3-1959, StA Stuttgart, Az.13 Js 328/60 [ZSL,
Az.439 AR-Z 18a/1960, Bl.48]; deposition by B.Wehners on 26-
1-1960, StA Bremen, Az.6 Js 3/6
[ZSL, Az.202 AR-Z 152/1959, Bl.57f.].
Page seven , p.409
------------------
40. Deposition by A.Widmann on 27-1-1959 (note 16), Bl.33f;
deposition by H.Engelmann, Nebe's adjutant, on 9-1-1951,
ibid, Bl.617; deposition by B.Wehner on 26-1-1960 (note 37).
41. Krausnick/Wilhelm, _Truppe_, pp.150ff.
42. Deposition by A.Widmann on 27-1-1959 (note 16) and on 12-
1-1960 (note). These two depositions differ inasmuch, that
different dates are given for the events described. In the
first deposition, he gives as date: shortly after the
beginning campaign in Russia, in the second: "shortly
before the campaign/onslaught/invasion in Russia". This
second statement is probably wrong/incorrect, as the psychic
stress of the execution squads and the great distances in
Russia
as hindrance for the transport of CO-cylinders are
mentioned. These arguments/reasons may play a role only
after the begin of the campaign in Russia. Further
observations/considerations
to follow will corroborate this claim.
43. ibid.
44. Decision by _Landgericht_ [Provincial/regional court]
Hannover on Pradel and Wentritt, Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL Az.415
Ar-Z 220/1959,Bl.419f].
45. StA Hamburg, Az. 147 Js 31/67 [ZSL, Az.II 415 AR-Z
1310/63-E32, Bl.545].
Page eight, p.410
-----------------
46. Deposition on 2-2-1961, StA Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/60
[ZSL, Az.415 Ar-Z 220/59, Bl.260b]. Compare the following
statements with the court-decision on Pradel, Bl.418 ff.
47. Deposition by M.Bauer, technician of the Gaubschat
factory, on 21-3-1961, StA Hannover, 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL Az.202
AR-Z 152/59, Bl.275f.].
48. Deposition by H.Wentritt on 2-2-1961 (note 46), Bl.260d
ff.
49. Cf. following statements p.412 [Pag ten].
50. IMT-Doc. 2348-PS. The credibility of this testimony is
corroborated by that of H.Wentritt (note 46), Bl.260 e, who
mentions as well a number of five or six vehicles.
51. Deposition by H.Wentritt on 2-2-1961 (note 46), Bl. 260b
ff.
Page nine, p.411
----------------
52. Deposition on 6-2-1959, StA Stuttgart, Az.13 Js 328/60
[ZSL, Az.439 AR-Z 18a/1960, Bl.39].
This analysis is testified also by Widmann (note 14).
53. Deposition by Widmann on 12-1-1960, ibid.; see also IMT-
Doc.501-PS dated 16.5.42.
54. This is testified unanimously by Leiding, Hoffmann and
Widmann.
55. See, Krausnick/Wilhelm, pp.544f. The testimonies fix the
time for the experiment to early November 1941.
56. Deposition on 6-2-1959 (note 52), Bl.40. Hoffmann
describes the event similarly; deposition on 27-1-1959, StA
Hannover, Az.2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 220/59,
Bl.95ff.].
57. See, court-decision on Pradel, Bl.427.
58. Deposition by E.Freiwald, employee at the KTI, on 3-9-
1959 and W.Schade on 12-2-1959, StA Hannover, Az.2 Js 299/60
[ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/59, Bl.68f and 181].
59. See, note 44.
Page ten, p.412
---------------
60. File entry dated 27.4.1942 and 5.6.1942 (note 3).
61. File entry dated 23.6.1942 (note 5).
62. Letter by Rauff to the KTI dated 26-3-1942 (note 2).
63. Cf. the following statements/arguments p.413 [Page
eleven].
64. Note 41, pp.186 ff.
65. Deposition by a member of this command, Lauer, StA
Darmstadt, Az. Ks 1/67 [ZSL 205 AR-Z 269/60, Bl.2390ff].
P.Blobel, leader of _Einsatzkommando 4a_, testified on 6-5-
1947 in Nuremberg, that a gas-van was used already in
September or October 1941. This statement cannot be correct.
Howeber, his description of the smaller vehicles is
conclusive. Nuremberg Document NO-3824.
66. ibid.
67. L.Bednarz, Extermination Camp at Chelmno, in: German
Crimes in Poland 1/1946, p.110. Regarding _Sonderkommando
Lange_ cf. Rueckerl, _NS-Vernichtungslager_, pp.243ff .
68. See note 1.
Page eleven, p.413
------------------
69. Deposition by the driver K.Gebel on 23-10-1962, StA
Hannover, Az. 2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 20/59,
Bl.634f.].
70. IMT-Doc 501-PS.
71. See note 41, pp.195 ff.
72. Court-decision on Drexel and Kehrer, StA Muenchen I,
Az.119c Ks 6 a-b/70, Bl.33-35 [ZSL, Az.Sammelakte 32].
73. Deposition by Becker on 26-40-1960, StA Giessen, Az.3 Js
11/60 [ZSL, Az.2 AR-Z 311/59, Bl.194]
74. ibid., Bl.195; Becker's statements are ascertained by
Ohlendorf, _Einsatzgruppen_-case Per. ??02 VI, Interrogation
Nr.167.
75. Consequently, all dates given before this date and
relating to the usage of gas-vans cannot be correct. Cf.
note 65 too.
78. Deposition by Jeckeln on 21-12-1945 (note 41), p.548.
79. See the arguments on p.414 [Page twelve].
Page twelve , p.414
-------------------
79. That the number of people carried in the van may be
viewed as a sure mark of the vans is ascertained by the
notes in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).
80. See notes 54 and 56.
81. See note 50.
82. This formulation/words were used by Becker in his report
on 16.5.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS.
83. Deposition by H.Wentritt on 2. 2. 1960 (see note 44),
Bl.260h; letter on 15.6.1942, IMT-Doc 501-PS.
84. Deposition by H.Hoffmanns on 27.1.1959, StA Duesseldorf,
Az. 8 Js 7212/59 [ZSL, Az.439 AR-Z 18a/1960, Bl.28];
deposition by A.Becker on 26-3-1960 (note 71), Bl.195. As
the first series consisted not only of chassis of one type,
Becker couldn't give a more precise designation in his
report on 16.5.1942, as he did with the vans of the second
series.
85. See above p.410 [Page eight].
86. Letter to Gaubschat company on 30.4.1942, Copy ZSL, USA
Dok. Film I Nr.26f.; Letter from Becker to Rauff on
16.5.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS; Letter from Schaefer to Rauff on
9.6.1952 (note 4); Truehe to Rauff on 15.6.1942 (note 5).
87. Note in the files on 27.4.1942 (note 3). This number of
people can be calculated from the measures given there.
88. See note 5.
89. See note 44 (Bl.429).
90. See note 3.
Page thirteen, p.415
--------------------
91. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).
92. Cf. note 86.
93. This may be concluded from a letter from Gaubschat
company to Rauff on 14.5.1942 (note 3).
94. Cf. the letters on 9. and 15.6.1942 and Becker's report
on 16.5.1942, IMT-Doc. 501-PS. Regarding the witness-
testimonies see _NS-Massentoetung_, pp.87ff.
95. See note 62.
96. Deposition by A.Becker on 28-1-1960 (note 17), Bl.44.
97. See note 3.
98. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).
Page fourteen, p.416
--------------------
99. See above p.413 [Page eleven]
100. Deposition by Becker on 26-3-1960 (note 73).
101. ibid. Bl.197f.
102. ibid.; cf. his report on 16.5.1942 too.
103. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4).
104. See note 5; deposition by H.Munk on 3.2.1959, StA
Karlsruhe, Az. Js 2138/58 [ZSL, Az.415 AR-Z 220/59,
Bl.499ff.]
105. 16.5.1942 (note 82)
106. Note in the files 5.6.1942 (note 4). Deposition by
A.Widmann on 11.1.1960 (note 14).
107. See note 6.
108. IMT-Doc 501-PS.
109. ibid.
110. Deposition by M.Draheim on 29.8.1961, StA Hannover, Az.
2 Js 299/60 [ZSL, Az. 415 AR-Z 220/1959, Bl.294f] deposition
by W.Schmidt, ibid, Bl.260zf.
111. IMT, Vol.4, deposition on 3.1.1946, p.357.
Page fifteen, p.417
-------------------
112. Deposition by Becker on 28-4-1960 (note 96), Bl.43.
113. Cf. depositions by the drivers G.Laabs and K.Gebel
(notes 1 and 69).
114. Deposition by A.Truehe on 16-10-1959, ZSL, Az 2 AR-Z
311/59, Bl.43ff.
115. Cf. draft version of a letter from the
official/administrative servant at the ministry for the
occupied territories to the _Reichskommisar_ for the
_Ostland_ on 25.10.1942, Doc. No-365;
deposition by SS- and Police-Leader Warthegau W.Koppe on 2-2-
1960, StA Bonn, Az.18 Js 52/60 [ZSL, Az.220/59, Bl.138f.].
116. Note in the files on 5.6.1942 (note 4). There we read:
"Since December 1941 e.g., 97.000 have been processed with 3
vans employed, without any failure of the vehicles."
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